Parthian coins: kingship and divine glory

Peter Wick / Markus Zehnder he Parthian Empire and its Religions Studies in the Dynamics of Religious Diversity Das Partherreich und seine Religionen Studien zu Dynamiken religiöser Pluralität S Pietas Herausgegeben von Andreas Gutsfeld Pierre Villard Band 5 he Parthian Empire and its Religions Studies in the Dynamics of Religious Diversity Das Partherreich und seine Religionen Studien zu Dynamiken religiöser Pluralität Herausgegeben von Peter Wick und Markus Zehnder unter Mitarbeit von Jan Schäfer Computus druck satz & verlag 2012 Verantwortlicher Herausgeber: Andreas Gutsfeld Mit freundlicher Unterstützung von: Käte Hamburger Collegium for Research in the Humanities “Dynamics in the History of Religions between Asia and Europe” und dem Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung Bibliograische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliograie; detaillierte bibliograische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrubar. he Parthian Empire and its Religions. Studies in the Dynamics of Religious Diversity / Das Partherreich und seine Religionen. Studien zu Dynamiken religiöser Pluralität. Herausgegeben von Peter Wick und Markus Zehnder unter Mitarbeit von Jan Schäfer. (Pietas, 5), Gutenberg: Computus Druck Satz & Verlag 2012. Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages nicht gestattet und strabar. Dies betrit vor allem Vervielfältigungen jeder Art, Übersetzungen, Mikroverilmungen, die Einspeicherung in elektronische Systeme und heute noch unbekannte Arten der elektronischen Datenverarbeitung. © Computus druck satz & verlag, 2012. Satz: Computus druck satz & verlag, Hauptstr. 60, 55595 Gutenberg Herstellung: Strauß GmbH, Robert-Bosch-Str. 6–8, 69509 Mörlenbach Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, chlorfrei gebleichtem, alterungsbeständigem Papier Printed in Germany ISSN 1432–542X ISBN 978-3-940598-13-4 Inhalt Foreword / Vorwort ....................................................... 7 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . by Peter Wick and Markus Zehnder 9 Aspekte religiöser Vielfalt im Partherreich von Dieter Metzler .................................. Religionspolitik im antiken Vorderen Orient: Assyrer und Parther von Markus Zehnder 17 ............ 27 .................. 53 ................................. 67 Feindeskinder an Sohnes statt. Parthische Königssöhne im Haus des Augustus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . von Meret Strothmann 83 Seleukidische Vorbilder der parthischen Münzikonographie von Linda-Marie Günther Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory by Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis Religious Dynamics in the Parthian Empire: he Cases of Hatra and Arbela by Markus Zehnder he Jews of Parthian Babylonia by Geoffrey Herman ... 103 ............................................ 141 Jewish Acculturation to Persian Norms at the End of the Parthian Period by Yaakov Elman ..... Frühe Christen in der Begegnung mit dem Zoroastrismus: Eine Orientierung von Marco Frenschkowski .. 163 ................... 195 ................................. 209 .......................................... 217 Weltentstehung und Schöpfung bei Bardaisan von Edessa von Peter Bruns Index of Ancient Sources / Stellenregister he Contributors / Die Autoren 151 Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory by Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis 1 Introduction he Parthian period and its material culture, c. 240 BC–224 AD, are one of the least studied areas of the ancient Near East. Because of its close association with the preceding Seleucid dynasty and the consequent inluence of Hellenistic art on the iconography of Parthian art, this period has largely attracted the attention of classicists. Until recent times, a Helleno-centric view of the Parthian period and its material culture was common in western scholarship and the Parthian period was oten studied in isolation from the traditions of the Ancient Near East. For example, until recently the Parthian coins of the British Museum, were part of the Greek collection and the Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, which was published in 1903 by Warwick Wroth, appeared in the series A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum.1 he inluence of Hellenistic art and iconography in Parthian art and iconography is indisputable, but its strength is not constant throughout the four centuries of Parthian rule. his is best observed in the changing presentation of the royal regalia, e.g. headgear and costume and royal titles. he interpretation of the iconography of Parthian art and the signiicance of the Parthian king and his regalia must be seen within a Near Eastern/ Iranian context, otherwise our understanding remains incomplete and at times misleading. Despite the paucity of Parthian material culture that had survived, there is a wealth of primary material, which is largely untapped, namely the coins. Parthian coins provide important information about the relationship between religion and kingship over more than four centuries. In contrast to the later Sasanian period, when Iran adopted Zoroastrianism as its state religion, the Parthians, like the earlier Achaemenid Persians, allowed a variety of gods and goddesses to be worshipped. he Parthian kings may have been Zoroastrian, but there was no state religion at this time. his article will study the changing nature and iconography of Parthian kingship in relation to religion and the ancient Iranian concept of khvarenah or Divine Glory, Splendour. We move away from a western interpretation of the symbolism and, instead, interpret the iconography in an Iranian and Near Eastern context. We will use numismatic evidence and, wherever available, also other information, such as reliefs and sculpture. At the same time, we will look at 1 Wroth 1903. 68 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis the various strands of inluence, such as nomadic, Iranian and Hellenistic, from which the Parthians synthesized their royal iconography. his iconography was developed within the context of Iranian religions. We will also examine briely how royal Parthian iconography was adopted and transformed by local kingdoms under Parthian suzerainty, i.e. Persis and Elymais. 2 From “Arsaces” to “King Arsaces”, and “King Arsaces , the god” he question of whether ancient Iranian kings were regarded as divine beings or not in the Sasanian period has attracted much attention in recent years.2 However, few detailed discussions have concentrated on the status of Arsacid Parthian kings and the epithets they use, in particular on coins.3 It is therefore important to examine Arsacid coin inscriptions and compare the change in epithets with the development of the iconography on Arsacid coins. his may help us to gain a clearer picture of the Arsacid rulers, the way they were presented on their coins and the way they were supposed to be seen. In addition, the coin iconography is linked with political events and the consolidation and expansion of Arsacid control, irst in the northeastern part of the Seleucid empire, then in the west and Media and inally in Mesopotamia and southwestern Iran. he earliest coins of the Arsacids show a strong link with pre-Hellenistic satrapal coins of the Persian Empire. he archer motif on the reverse of coins of Arsaces I, Arsaces II and Phraates I/ Mithradates I is strikingly similar to coins of Tarkamuwa (formerly known as Datames). In both cases, the seated igure holding a bow wears a sot hat with earlaps and neckguard, and a long – sleeved coat is slung over his shoulders.4 he portrait on the obverse of these irst Arsacid coins can be compared with coin portraits of the 4th century BC Persian satraps Tissaphernes and Autophradates.5 hese very early Arsacid coins (Pl. I : 1), which depict a beardless ruler with sot hat and diadem on the obverse (Arsaces I, II), have brief coin legends which attribute the coin to the dynastic name Arsaces (ΑΡΣΑΚΟΥ: of Arsaces). he Greek legends are then extended to Arsaces, the autocrat (ΑΡΣΑΚΟΥ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΟΣ), the King (ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ), the Great King (ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΜΕΓΑΛΟΥ) and King, God (ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΘΕΟΥ ΑΡΣΑΚΟΥ). he latter which is attributed to Mithradates I is of particular interest (Pl. I : 2), as it is unusual amongst Parthian epithets and apart from this early period is found again on coins of the Parthian kings, Phraates III ( 70–57 BC)6 and Mithradates III (c. 57–54 BC).7 It is actually uncertain whether the drachms showing a beardless igure on the obverse and a seated archer with the epithet theou on the reverse were minted under Mithra2 3 4 5 6 7 Panaino 2003, pp. 265–288; id. 2009, pp. 209–259; Soudavar 2003; id. 2006, pp. 151–186; id. 2009, pp. 417–460. Curtis 2007a, pp. 7–25.; id. 2007b, pp. 413–434; Sinisi 2008, I pp. 231–248. Curtis 2007b, p. 416, igs. 3–4. Curtis 2007b, pp. 416–417, igs. 5–6. Sellwood 1980, Type 39.1. Sellwood 1980, Type 115. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory 69 dates I8 or Phriapatius.9 However, it is not surprising that the divine epithet also appears on early Arsacid coins because such a divine epithet was used on coins of the Seleucid Antiochus IV (175–164) and Demetrius II (161–150) (Pl. I:6).10 his type of titelature appears also on coins of Greco-Bactrian rulers of the early 2nd century BC, including Antimachus I.11 he early drachms of Mithradates I also use another divine epithet, ΘΕΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ, i.e “whose father is a god”.12 his particular epithet is much more common amongst Arsacid rulers than theos/theou. heopatoros is found on the reverse of coins of Phraates II (c. 138–127 BC), Artabanus I (127–124), Gotarzes I (91–87 BC) or Sinatruces (75 BC) and the so-called Darius.13 It is interesting that a silver drachm of Demetrius II of the Zeus aetophorus type used the epithet ΘΕΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ to the let of an enthroned Zeus holding an eagle and sceptre.14 Coins of Mithradates I (c. 171–138 BC) show a variety of royal portraits. A series of drachms depict him in the early Arsacid tradition: he wears a sot hat with earlaps and neckguard, and a diadem is tied around the headgear. he reverse shows the seated archer with the long-sleeved coat, but here the diphros is replaced with an omphalos (Pl. I : 2; Curtis 1996: 234). his reverse type is also used on a second series of drachms, which depict on the obverse a diferent type of portrait: the ruler appears bearded, wearing a diadem only (Pl. I : 3). he traditional sot hat is abandoned and the Arsacid king resembles Hellenistic coin portraits, in particular those of Demetrius II.15 Ater the conquest of Seleucia on the Tigris in 141–140 BC, Mithradates mints tetradrachms in the Hellenistic tradition. hese tetradrachms depict the bearded ruler on the obverse with a diadem (cf. his second series); the reverse shows a standing nude HeraclesVerethragna (Pl. I : 4) with lion skin, holding a club in his let hand and a cup in his right hand. he epithet philhellene, which is also new, could be understood as a shrewd political move by Mithradates I to present himself to the Greek population of Mesopotamia and also Bactria as a friend of the Greeks and a legitimate ruler.16 Other drachms of Mithradates I also employ Hellenistic iconography, including a seated semi-draped Zeus holding an eagle in his right hand. With his let hand he leans on a long sceptre (Pl. I : 5). Hellenistic inluence continues on coins of the immediate successors of Mithradates I, Phraates II and Artabanus I. he reverse of these tetradrachms shows a seated nude Apollo and a god/goddess holding a cornucopia and receiving a diadem from a small Nike igure. 8 Sellwood 1980, Type 10.14. 9 Assar 2004, pp. 69–93, 82. 10 Panaino 2003, p. 266, n. 7; Assar 2004, p. 82; Errington/Curtis 2007, p. 42, ig. 43:5; Houghton 2008, I: nos. 1419 & 1420 I, II, pl. 6, 1419, 1420. 11 Errington/Curtis 2007, p. 20, p. 48, ig. 26:1. 12 Sellwood 1980, Type 10.14, iv. 13 he epithet philopatoros appears regularly on coins of this ruler, both tetradrachms and drachms (Sellwood 1980, Types 19.1, 33.4, 35.7, 36, 37). 14 Houghton 1983, I: no. 1995B, 314, II: pl. 29, 1995B. I am grateful to Oliver Hoover for drawing my attention to the drachm of Demetrius II. 15 Sellwood 1980, Types 11, 12; cf. Messina 2003, p. 23; Errington/Curtis 2007, p. 42, ig. 41:5. 16 Curtis 2007a, p. 11. 70 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis Some drachms depict on the reverse a standing deity holding a ring in one hand and a palm frond in the other.17 Politically this was a period of gradual conquest, defence and re-conquest for the Arsacids, whose gradual advance into western Iran and Mesopotamia was met with hostility by the Seleucids. It is possible that the Hellenistic coin iconography adopted by the early Arsacids was partly intentional in order that they could present themselves in the Seleucid fashion as the new conquerors of territories under Seleucid control. In this way they hoped to win over the local hierarchy, who had once served under the Seleucids. hey therefore continued with a Hellenistic iconography, which had become fashionable in the Ancient near East with the conquest of Alexander and his immediate successors. he Arsacid Parthian conquest of Mesopotamia was gradual and clashes with the Seleucids were frequent: Mithradates I against Demetrius II, Phraates II against Demetrius and Antiochus VII Sidetes. he Seleucid counter attack in Media was initially successful and only collapsed when the local population decided to side with the Arsacid Parthian army. It was then that the tide turned in favour of the Arsacids and Antiochus was killed in battle in 129 BC.18 Ater re-conquering Babylonia, Phraates abandoned a planned advance into Syria because of nomadic invasions in the East by the Sacae. his campaign, which proved unsuccessful, cost Phraates his life and he was killed in 128 BC.19 During this time, Hyspaosines, whose name seems to be of Iranian/Bactrian origin, founded the kingdom of Characene on the Persian Gulf and by 127 BC had brought Babylonia and Seleucia temporarily under his control.20 When Artabanus II succeeded his nephew Phraates on the throne, the nomadic threat in the east continued and he was killed in battle in 124/123 BC. 3 From archer to king to the king of kings Ater the consolidation of the Parthian empire under Mithradates II, coin legends and coin images change noticeably. he traditional Near Eastern title “great king of kings”, known to us from inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings, appears on the reverse of drachms.21 On the obverse, Mithradates II wears either a diadem or a tall hat/kolah or tiara and a v-necked or crossed-over jacket. Also used on tetradrachms of this period is the seated archer motif, with a diadem tied around a loppy hat with ear laps and neckguard and a coat slung over his shoulders.22 Tetradrachms of Phraates III (c. 70–57 BC) show on the obverse the ruler with a tiara adorned with recumbent stags verse (Pl. I : 7). he reverse undergoes an important change, as from now on the seated igure on the reverse clearly resembles the Arsacid ruler on the obverse. he open-necked tunic of the ruler on the obverse, known to us from the art of the Parthian period and the Shami bronze statue, is 17 18 19 20 21 22 Curtis 2007b, pp. 418–421, igs. 8, 11; Sellwood 1980, Type 17.4. Schippmann 1980, pp. 24–29. Debevoise 1969, p. 37. Schippmann 1980, p. 30; Schmitt 1990, pp. 246–247. Sellwood 1980, Type 28; Curtis 2000, p. 25; Errington/Curtis 2007, ig. 48:2,4. Sellwood 1980, Type 24.3. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory 71 also worn by the seated archer on the reverse.23 he archer on the reverse is now clearly the same person as the king on the obverse. he traditional sot headgear and long-sleeved coat of the early coins, known to us from coins of Arsaces I to Mithradates II, has been abandoned in favour of the royal outit. he resemblance between the royal portrait on the obverse and the seated igure on the reverse is particularly noticeable during the mid to late-irst century BC and irst century AD. he Parthian king of kings, as shown on coins of Orodes II to Phraates IV (Pl. I : 8), bears a striking resemblance in his apparel to the bronze statue from Shami, found in the Bakhtiari mountains of southwestern Iran and now in the National Museum of Iran, Tehran. he belted v-necked jacket, trousers and leggings of the king on the reverse of tetradrachms of the mid-to late irst century BC is almost identical to the outit of the Shami bronze. From the middle of the irst century BC onwards, investiture scenes become popular on the reverse of tetradrachms. he king on the reverse is shown in the presence of various goddesses, who ofer the king either a palm frond or a diadem, or clasp his hand (Pl. I : 8–9, 11). Occasionally, the seated king on the obverse appears as a royal archer on the reverse of tetradrachms.24 he Hellenistic iconography of an investiture scene showing the king in the presence of a goddess resembling Nike, Tyche or Athena, and the depiction of a bird (Pl. I : 10, 12) can be understood within the Iranian concept of kingship and the Avestan khvarenah (Old Persian farnah, Pahlavi khvarrah), the God-given glory, fortune and splendour. In this connection we should recognise the role of the bird as a symbol of kingship and its glory. 4 he royal bird and symbol of kingship On tetradrachms of Phraates III (70–57 BC) a bird resembling the eagle of Zeus is positioned on the outstretched hand of the seated king (Pl. I : 7). A Tyche igure holding a staf stands behind the king’s throne and appears to be holding in her right hand a diadem which appears above the king’s head. Interesting here is the unusual epithet ΘΕΟΥ in the reverse inscription (see above). Here, a Hellenistic inspired iconography could also be understood by a non Hellenistic Iranian world.25 Drachms of Phraates IV oten show a bird behind the king’s head on the obverse. It holds in its beak a diadem and sometimes a wreath. he long ties of the diadem26 are clearly visible on some coins (Pl. I : 10, 12 ). he Kushan kings depict on the reverse of their coins a number of gods and goddesses, who can be identiied on the basis of the coin inscriptions.27 Orlagno, the equivalent of the Iranian Verethragna, is shown wearing 23 24 25 26 Curtis 1993, pp. 63–65, ig. 1, pl. XIXa; cf. Sellwood 1980, Type 39. E.g. Sellwood 1980, Types 55.10, 59.2. Curtis 2007b, pp. 420–426. Haim (Haim 2009, pp. 403–415) claims that these are rings and not diadems, but an examination of the actual coins rather than drawings and photographs of coins shows that it is possible to recognise clearly the diadem ties on coins of Phraates IV (see Pl. I : 10, 12; also Wroth 1903, pl. XX,8–9). 27 Curtis 2007b, P. 425, igs. 72 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis the royal attire of Kanishka I;28 his tall hat ends in an eagle who is perched on top. Coins of Miro, the equivalent of Mithra/Mihr, show this Kushan deity with a radiate halo, making either a gesture with the ingers of his right hand or ofering a diadem.29 Amongst the many other deities shown on 1st and 2nd century AD Kushan coins, we also ind a representation of pharro, the Kushan equivalent to the Iranian khvarenah/khvarrah (New Persian farr), who wears a diadem and a halo.30 Evidence for the worship of Iranian gods by the Kushan rulers is also found in the Rabatak inscription.31 Most of these divine beings (Iranian yazatas) are described in the Avestan Yashts. hose associated with the Godgiven glory are Atar (Fire and son of Ahura Mazda), Mithra (god of light and seasons, god of contract), Verethragna (the victorious warrior god), Anahita (goddess of all Waters and Fertility), Ashi Vanguhi (daughter of Ahura Mazda and goddess of Fortune and Wealth) and Tishtriya (the god of rain).32 In the late Parthian period, a bird, oten with outstretched wings, appears on its own, sometimes with a ring or a wreath in its beak. It is particularly popular on the reverse of Parthian copper coins.33 Amongst the coins of Persis we ind on the reverse a bird or eagle (Pl. II : 2–3).34 Sometimes it is shown with outstretched wings holding a ring in its beak (Pl. II : 3).35 Once again, we have probably a depiction of the royal eagle or falcon, the Veregna bird, on these later coins of Persis. In Elymais, southwestern Iran, the eagle is an important iconographic feature on coins of the early to mid-second century AD. Coins of the local Elymaean king Phraates, whose frontal portrait consists of a male igure with long moustache and beard, wearing a tall hat/kolah and diadem, show an eagle, oten with outstretched wings and sometimes holding a ring/diadem in its beak. Also popular on coins of Elymais in this period is a diadem with its long ties clearly visible (Pl. II : 7). 5 he king and investiture scenes: Parthian-period reliefs and coins he investiture scenes on coins can be paralleled in part on the reliefs of the Parthian period. he investiture of a king, usually by a goddess, is particularly popular. Also common in the art of the Parthian period is the investiture of a local king by the king of kings. Just as coins of Phraates IV and his son Phrataces depict a Nike-type igure holding a ring and diadem behind the head of the Parthian ruler (Pls.I : 12 & II : 1), the rock-relief of Bisi28 I am grateful to my colleagues Joe Cribb and Robert Bracey for details of Kanishka’s costume and sword that appear in connection with the image of Orlagno. 29 Göbl 1984, pp. 74–75, 768, 770–771. 30 Curtis 2007a, p. 17, igs. 19–20; Curtis 2007b, pp. 425–426, ig. 18. 31 Sims-Williams/Cribb 1995–1996, pp. 75–142, esp. 79. 32 Curtis 2007b, pp. 422–424. 33 E.g. Sellwood 1980, Type 82 and 84. 34 On coins of Persis of the late 3rd/early 2nd century BC, for example, a falcon, which is oten seen on the reverse of coins and also appears on the crown of one of the early local rulers of Persis, is seen as a religious symbol (de Jong 2003, pp. 191–202, pp. 192–3). 35 Hill 1922, pl. XXXV, 9. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory 73 tun of the irst century AD shows a loating Nike as symbol of victory.36 he rider igure on the let side of the relief, probably the king of kings, has a winged igure hovering behind his head and holding a large diadem with long ties. A stela from Susa shows a seated igure with royal Parthian tiara ofering a ring of power to a standing igure. he Parthian inscription refers to “Artabanus, king of kings, son of Vologases, king of kings” and the satrap of Susa, Khwasak. he date on the inscription corresponds to AD 215.37 he headgear of the seated igure consists of a tall spiky tiara, decorated on its outer edge with a row of diagonal lines or ‘spikes’. A diadem is tied around the tiara and its long ties fall over the seated igure’s back. he tiara is similar to that of Artabanus IV on his drachms. he seated king and the standing satrap are clasping a ring in their right hand. his stela is of importance, as the two igures can be identiied by the inscription as the Parthian king of kings and his satrap. It also shows that as late as 215 AD the local satrap of Susa received his ring of oice from the king of kings. Investiture scenes in the Parthian style are common in the art of Elymais, the mountainous region of southwestern Iran. Here, a number of rock-reliefs and architectural reliefs depict a variety of themes, including investiture scenes. At Tang-i Botan in the valley of Shimbar, a rock-reliewf shows a row of standing male igures in four large panels and one small panel on the far right.38 One of the igures in each panel is in the nude. He has a diadem tied around the head. He holds a bowl in one hand and a club in the other. He is identiied as Heracles Verethragna. At Hung-i Azhdar (Hung-i Nauruzi) near Izeh/ Malamir, a free standing rock relief shows a scene with a mounted male igure in proile, who is facing a row of four standing igures in frontal pose, wearing knee-length tunics and trousers.39 he irst standing igure, who is larger than the others, has a diadem tied around his head. With his let hand he grasps the hilt of a sword, while the right hand holds a cone-shaped object. In addition to the rider igure and the standing igures, there are two birds between the rider and the large standing igure. he bird on the let has both wings open and clutches in its claws a small ring, which rests on the horse’s mane. he other bird carries a ring in its beak while its outstretched claws and the open wings indicate that it was probably lying. his bird seems to be touching a bunch of the standing igure’s hair. Once again, a bird plays a prominent role in an investiture scene. he date of this relief is far from certain. It ranges from the reign of Mithradates I in the second half of the 2nd century BC to the 2nd and early 3rd centuries AD. he Parthian inscription on this relief mentions Mithradates, king of kings and Kamnaskires, satrap of Susa. Because of the inscription and the similarity of the rider igure with coin portraits of Mithradates I (Pl.I : 3), this relief has been interpreted by some scholars as a relief carved to commemorate the conquest of Elymais by Mithradates I around 140 BC.40 At the same time, the portrait of the rider igure is also similar to coin portraits of the Kamnaskirid rulers of Elymais in the irst century BC (Pl. II : 5).41 Yet the right side of the relief with a row of 36 37 38 39 40 41 Herrmann 1977, p. 42. Schmitt 1998, pp. 163–204, esp. 173; Curtis 2004, pp. 346–350, esp. 349, ig. 3. Vanden Berghe/Schippmann 1985, pl. II, ig. 4. Vanden Berghe/Schippmann 1985, pls. 2–6, ig. 1. Vanden Berghe/Schippmann 1985, 36; Schmitt 1998, p. 168. Colledge 1977, p. 92. 74 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis standing igures points stylistically – frontal pose, knee-length tunic with double-concave hemline and bushy hairstyle – to reliefs from Tang-i Sarvak, Masjid-i Sulaiman and Bard-i Nishandeh, as well as Elymaian coins of the second century and beginning of the early third century AD (Pl. II : 4–12).42 It seems that the entire relief may not have been carved at one and the same time, as the right side dates to the late Parthian period. he let side of the relief with the rider igure could date to the time of Mithradates I and the conquest of Elymais in 140 BC, but could also show a Kamnaskirid ruler of the irst century BC.43 Other Elymaian examples of investiture reliefs with a local ruler in the presence of one or more deities and holding a ring of power include the reliefs from Kuh-i Tina44 and Tang-i Sarvak II.45 In both cases, the bushy tripartite hairstyle of the reclining local ruler once again points to late 2nd– early 3rd century coins. At Tang-i Sarvak, the kline or platform throne of the ruler has feet in the shape of eagles. Eagles feature prominently on 2nd century AD Elymaian coins, where the local ruler Phraates appears on the obverse and an eagle is shown on the reverse (Pl. II : 7, 11).46 he reclining king of the Tang-I Sarvak relief, whose name appears as Orodes in the accompanying inscription, is surrounded by three divine igures, whose exact identiication is not entirely certain. he one standing to the let of the throne is a male igure wearing tunic and trousers. It holds a cornucopia in its let hand. Of the two seated igures on the ruler’s right side, the one on the far right has a radiate or spiked crown and can perhaps be identiied as the god Mithra or the goddess Anahita.47 All these divine igures and the eagle supporting the throne, are linked with the investiture of the local reclining ruler who celebrates his assumption of power. he Elymaian sites of Bard-i Nichandeh and Masjid-i Sualiman, situated about 130 km northeast of Ahvaz, have produced a number of reliefs and fragments of statues dating to the late Parthian period, which depict igures in worshipping pose with one hand raised in a sign of adoration.48 A relief from Bard-i Nishandeh shows a row of ive standing male igures in a ritual scene.49 he central igure with a tall hat/tiara and diadem wears a Parthian trouser suit and has his right arm stretched over an incense burner. His let hand rests on the hilt of a sword. He could be an Elymaian ruler or perhaps the Parthian king of kings. Opposite him stands a igure wearing tunic and trousers and the long Elymaian sash over the let shoulder, that is oten worn by male igures on Elymaian reliefs and also depicted on Elymaian coins.50 He holds a cone (?) in his let hand and holds his raised right hand 42 Curtis 1994, pp. 201–214, pl. III a–d; van’t Haaff 2007, pp. 140–142, Type 17. 43 he Iranian-Italian Expedition in Khuzistan directed by V. Messina and J. Mehrkian has revealed interesting and important information about this relief and other Elymaian reliefs through laser scanning – see www.parthia.com/khuzistan; www.centroscavitorino.it/en/progetti/iran/Khuzistan. 44 Vanden Berghe/Schippmann 1985, pl. 19, ig. 5. 45 Vanden Berghe/Schippmann 1985, pls. 27–31. 46 van’t Haaff 2007, pp. 119–121, Type 14, 2; Augé/Curiel/Le Rider 1979, pl. 10, nos. 1266, 1275, 1277, 1347, 1363, 1372. 47 According to Yasht 5, 126–8, Anahita wears a “golden crown with eight rays” (Curtis 2006, p. 13). 48 Ghirshman 1979. 49 Curtis 2001, pp. 299–327, pl. IX. 50 E.g., cf. 1st century BC coins in van’t Haaff 2007, pp. 74–81, Type 9. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory 75 over a ire altar. A cone or palm frond is oten held in the let hand of worshippers from Masjid-i Solaiman and Bard-i Nishandeh. he right arm is raised in adoration. A small fragment of relief from Bard-i Nishandeh, which is part of an elaborate design on the upper part of a tunic, depicts in the centre of the chest a seated bird holding a ring in its beak. he bird is placed in the centre of a diadem with its ties clearly visible.51 his elaborate design is similar to that on the chest of a statue of Sanatruq II from Hatra.52 Eagles and winged igures, the latter holding rings of power, feature prominently in the art of Hatra, a caravan city 50 km northwest of Assur. Situated on the cross-desert route linking Palmyra and Dura-Europos with Nineveh in northern Mesopotamia, Hatra played an important role as a trading post. While Assur was part of the Parthian empire, the status of Hatra, which has produced the most elaborate examples of Parthian-style sculpture, seems to be diferent.53 he local rulers of Hatra, who are described in the inscriptions as “king of the Arabs”, enjoyed a certain degree of independence, but received their crown from the Parthian king of kings.54 he Parthian inluence in Hatra is particularly striking in is art and architecture.55 he male worshipping igures of Hatra are oten clad in elaborate Parthian costumes – tunic and trousers and belts – and the kings of Hatra usually wear the Parthian tiara or diadem,56 sometimes decorated with an eagle, which is probably also a symbol of kinghsip at Hatra.57 6 Elymaian coins Like Parthian coins, Elymaian coins of the 2nd century BC to early 3rd century AD use an iconography that is a mixture of Hellenistic and Parthian motifs. he early tetradrachms of Kamnaskires I Soter, c. 147–139 BC, follow the Seleucid tradition and show on the obverse a diademed portrait of the ruler looking right. he reverse depicts a nude Apollo sitting on an omphalos holding bow and arrow. A variation with an enthroned Zeus holding a globe in one hand and a sceptre in the other is also known.58 he seated Apollo appears on the reverse type of tetradrachms of Kamnaskires Nikephorus (ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΚΑΜΝΙΣΚΙΡΟΥ ΝΙΚΗΦΟΡΟΥ)59 and other 2nd century BC rulers of Elymais. Copper coins of this early period include motifs such as a horse’s head, an upright anchor, a cornu- 51 Ghirshman 1979, pl. XXX, 1. 52 Safar/Mustafa 1974, pl. 324. 53 Sommer (Sommer 2005, pp. 380–381) suggests that in the second century Hatra became an autonomous territory with close links to Parthia and that it enjoyed a certain degree of independence, but not sovereignty. 54 See also Zehnder in this volume, pp. 103–140: Religious Dynamics in the Parthian Empire. 55 Safar/Mustafa 1974. 56 Curtis 2000, pls. 9 and III. 57 Safar/Mustafa 1974, pls. 6–8, 12, 14–15, 301; Curtis 2001, pl. Xia. 58 van’t Haaff 2007, p. 47, Type 1.1. 59 Alram 1986, p. 140, van’t Haaff 2007, p. 49, Type 2.1. 76 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis copia, an eagle, as well as a seated female with a cornucopia.60 he motif of the enthroned Zeus leaning on a sceptre and holding a small Nike on his outstretched right hand as seen on the reverse of tetreadrachms of Kamnaskires and Queen Anzaze of c. 82/1–73 BC (Pl. II : 5) regains popularity in the irst century BC. In the second half of the 1st century BC tetradrachms of Kamnaskires IV (?) have a portrait on both obverse and reverse. hese may be representations of the king himself and his ancestor, also named Kamnaskires in the inscription.61 Double portraits continue from the end of the irst century BC until the irst century AD. It is interesting that in the 2nd century AD, when Greek legends on Elymaian coins are replaced with Aramaic inscriptions, the royal portrait also changes from a portrait in proile to a frontal portrait. he coin portrait on the obverse shows an Elymaian ruler with a Parthian tripartite hairstyle, moustache and beard (Pl. II : 6). he traditional anchor symbol and the star and crescent motif, which go back to coins of the 1st century BC, remain a prominent feature on coins of the late Elymaian period.62 In the 1st century BC we also ind on the reverse of coins a human head with a radiate crown.63 A radiate crown is also worn by a standing igure with a bow in one hand on the reverse of coins of the Elymaian ruler Phraates in the early-mid 2nd century AD, shown frontally with a tall hat/tiara (Pl. II : 8).64 Copper coins of this period also show a standing eagle with outspread wings (Pl. II : 10),65 as well as a diadem with long ties.66 Sometimes a crescent and dot design appears on the reverse on either side of the diadem. he eagle also appears on late Parthian copper coins of Mithradates II (c. 130–147), Vologases IV (c. AD 147–191) and Vologases V (c. 191–208), sometimes holding a ring in its beak,67 other times on its own.68 he star and moon crescent and crescent and dot motif – which may be one and the same symbol – is also a popular motif on the obverse of Elymaian and Parthian coins.69 hese are divine symbols associated with the king and his splendour. A popular motif on the reverse of Elymaian coins is the archer with radiate crown, who is usually interpreted as Artemis (Pl. II : 8),70 but the igure who wears a knee-length tunic could be a male igure, perhaps the Iranian divine being (yazata) Mithra. Both the eagle and the igure with radiate crown can be interpreted within the concept of the glory or khvarenah (khvarrah) with Mithra being the bestower of the glory. An example of how Iranian gods had their Hellenistic equivalents comes from the inscription on a nude bronze statue of Heracles from Seleucia on the Tigris. Here, the Greek version mentions Heracles and Apollo and the Parthian inscription refers to Ver- 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 van’t Haaff 2007, pp. 52–54, Types 2.3, 2.4, 2.6., 2.7, 2.10. Alram 1986, pp. 104–145; van’t Haaff 2007, p. 68. E.g. van’t Haaff 2007, p. 63, p. 75, Types 7.1 & 9.1. Hill 1922, pl. XLI, nos. 1–3. Hill 1922, pl. XLI, no. 22; van’t Haaff 2007, p. 117, Type 44.1. Hill 1922, pl. XLI, nos. 24–25 Hill 1922, pl. XLI, nos. 26–27; cf. van’t Haaff 2007, pp. 119–123, Types 14.2–14.4. Wroth 1903, pl. XXXIII, 17–18; Sellwood 1980, Type 84.161. Wroth 1903, pl. XXXV, 12–13; Sellwood 1980, Type 86.6. van’t Haaff 2007, p. 113, Type 13.3/Sub-Type 1. Also van’t Haaff 2007, p. 117. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory 77 ethragna and Tir.71 Iranian gods of the pre-Zoroastrian and Zoroastrian tradition connected with the idea of khvarnah/khvarrah are Mithra, the god of contract and friendship, the bestower of the khvarnah (khvarrah),72 Verethragna, the victorious warrior god who is close to the Veregna bird,73 Ardvi Sura Anahita , the goddess of all waters and fertility, and Ashi Vanguhi, the daughter of Ahura Mazda who is described in the Yasht (VII, 15) as “Glory in bodily form”.74 he royal iconography of the Parthian period, its coinage and art, used a Hellenisticinspired iconography for divine beings associated with the splendour and glory of the king. 7 Bibliography Alram, M. 1986, Nomina Propria Iranica in Numis (Iranisches Personennamenbuch, 4), Wien. Augé, C./Curiel, R./ Le Rider, G. 1979, Terrasses sacré de Bard-è Néchandeh et Masjidi Solaiman. Les trouvailles monétaires. (Mémoires de la Délégation archéologique en Iran, 44), Paris. Assar, G. F. 2004, Genealogy and coinage of the early Parthian rulers, in: Parthica 6, S. 69–93. Colledge, M. A. R. 1997, Parthian Art, London. Curtis, V. S. 1993a, Persian Myths, London. — 1993b, A Parthian statuette from Susa and the bronze statue from Shami, in: IRAN 31, S. 63–69, pl. XIXa. — 1994, More Parthian inds from Elymais in southwestern Iran, in: Iranica Antiqua 29, S. 201–214. — 1998, he Parthian costume and headdress, in: J. Wiesehöfer (Hg.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse. Beiträge des internationalen Colloquiums, Eutin (27.–30. Juni 1996), Stuttgart, S. 61–73. — 2000, Parthian culture and costume, in: J. E. Curtis (Hg.), Mesopotamia and Iran in the Parthian and Sasanian periods. Rejection and Revival c. 238 BC–AD 642, London, S. 23–34, Taf. 81–84, I–V. — 2001, Parthian belts and belt clasps, in: Iranica Antiqua 36, S. 299–327. — 2004, Art. “Parthische Kunst (Parthian Art)”, in: Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 10.5./6. Lieferung, S. 346–350. — 2006, Persian Myths, London. — 2007a, he Iranian revival in the Parthian period, in: V. S. Curtis/S. Stewart (Hg.), he Idea of Iran, vol. I. he Age of the Parthians, London/New York, S. 7–25. 71 Curtis 2007b, p. 423. 72 Soudavar 2003, p. 3 regards also Apam Napat, the son of Waters, as a signiicant deity in connection with the khvarnah. 73 Curtis 2007b, p. 423. 74 Curtis 2007b, p. 423. 78 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis — 2007b, Religious iconography of ancient Iranian coins, in: J. Cribb/G. Herrmann (Hg.) Ater Alexander. Central Asia before Alexander. Proceedings of the British Academy 133, Oxford/New York, S. 413– 434. de Jong, A. 2003, Vexillologica Sacra: searching the cultic banner, in: C. G. Cereti/ M. Maggi/E. Provasi (Hg.), Religious hemes and Texts of pre-Islamic Iran and Central Asia, Wiesbaden, S. 191–202. Errington, E./Curtis, V. S. 2007, From Persepolis to the Punjab. Exploring ancient Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan, London. Debevoise, N. C. 1969, A Political History of Parthia, 2nd rev. ed., Chicago. Ghirshman, R. 1979, Terrasses Sacrées de Bard-è Néchandeh et de Masjiid-I Solaiman. Mémoires de la Délégation archéologique en Iran, 45, Paris. Göbl, R. 1984, System und Chronologie der Münzprägung des Kušanreiches, Wien. Haim, B. 2009, ‘Investiture of Mithra’. Towards a new interpretation of so called investiture scenes in Parthian and Sasanian art, in: Iranica Antiqua 44, S. 403– 415. Herrmann, G. 1977, he Iranian Revival, Oxford. Herrmann, G./Cribb, J. (Hg.) 2007, Ater Alexander. Central Asia before Islam, Oxford. Hill, G. F. 1922, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arabia, Mesopotamia and Persia, he British Museum, London. Houghton, A. 1983, Coins of the Seleucid Empire from the Collection of A. Houghton. he American Numismatic Society, New York. Houghton, A./Lorber, C./Hoover, O. 2008, Seleucid Coins. Part II: Seleucus IV through Antiochus XIII, 2 vols., New York/Lancaster/London. Messina, V. 2003, More gentis parthicae. Ritratti barbuti di Demetrio II sulle impronte di sigillo da Seleucia al Tigri, in: Parthica 5, S. 21–23. Panaino, A. 2003, he baγāof the Fratarakās: gods or ‘divine beings’?, in: G. Cereti/ M. Maggi/E. Provasi (Hg.), Religious themes and texts of pre-Islamic Iran and Central Asia, Wiesbaden, S, 265–288. — 2009, he king and the gods in the Sasanian royal ideology, in: Res Orientales 18, S. 209– 259. Safar, F./Mustafa, M. A. 1974, Hatra. City of the Sun God, Baghdad. Schippmann, K. 1980, Grundzüge der parthischen Geschichte, Darmstadt. Schmitt, R. 1998, Parthische Sprach- und Namensueberlieferung aus arsakidischer Zeit, in: J. Wiesehöfer (Hg.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse. 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Sinisi, F. 2008, Tyche in Parthia: the image of the goddess on Arsacid tetradrachms, in: Festschrit für Günther Dembski zum 65. Geburtstag, I, Numismatische Zeitschrit 116/117, S. 231–248. van’t Haaff, P. A. 2007, Catalogue of Elymaean Coinage, Lancaster, Penn./London. Vanden Berghe, L./Schippmann, K. 1985, Les reliefs rupestre d’Elymaïde (Iran) de l’époque parthe, Gent. Wroth, W. 1903, Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, he British Museum, London. 80 Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis Pl. I: Parthian and Seleucid coins in the British Museum Collection. Parthian Coins: Kingship and Divine Glory Pl. II: Coins of Parthia, Persis, and Elymais in the British Museum Collection. 81 he Contributors / Die Autoren Dr. Peter Bruns is Professor of Church History and Patristic Studies at the University of Bamberg, Germany (Lehrstuhl für Kirchengeschichte und Patrologie, An der Universität 2, 96045 Bamberg). He is also the director of the research centre for Christian-Oriental Studies at the Catholic University of Eichstätt. Research interests: Syriac sources of the history of Eastern Christianity, Catechetical Homilies of heodore of Mopsuestia, treatises of Aphrahat, Church History of John of Ephesus. Dr. Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis is Curator of Middle Eastern Coins at the he British Museum, United Kingdom (Department of Coins and Medals, he British Museum, London WC1B 3DG). Research interests: Religious and royal iconography of the coins of ancient Iran, especially Parthian and Sasanian periods. Dr. Yaakov Elman is Professor of Judaic Studies at Yeshiva University, USA (500 West 185 Street New York, NY 10033). Research interests: Jewish biblical commentary, rabbinic intellectual history, Pahlavi texts. Dr. Marco Frenschkowski is Professor of New Testament at the University of Leipzig, Germany (Otto-Schill-Str. 2, 04109 Leipzig). Research interests: Early Christianity, religion in Antiquity, new religious movements, traditions of magic and esotericism, religion and literature, interreligious dialogue and other ields. Dr. Linda-Marie Günther is Professor of Ancient History at the University of Bochum, Germany (Historisches Institut, GA 6/157, Universitätsstr. 150, 44780 Bochum). Research interests: Ancient Greece. Dr. Geofrey Herman is an independent scholar, living in Jerusalem, Eretz Israel (home page: http://geofreyherman.webs.com). Research interests: Ancient Jewish history, classical rabbinic literature; Babylonian Jewry; Eastern (Syriac) Christianity, Zoroastrianism in the Sasanian Empire. Dr. Dieter Metzler is Professor em. of Ancient History at the University of Münster, Germany. Research interests: Cultural transfer on the Silk Route, religious history, the legacy of Antiquity. 218 he Contributors / Die Autoren Dr. Meret Strothmann is Lecturer in Ancient History at the University of Bochum, Germany (Historisches Institut, GA 6/160, Universitätsstr. 150, 44780). Research interests: Religion in ancient Rome, the Roman Empire from Augustus to Late Antiquity. Dr. Peter Wick is Professor of New Testament at the University of Bochum, Germany (Evangelisch-heologische Fakultät, GA 8/147, Universitätsstr. 150, 44780 Bochum). Research interests: Paul, the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of John, dynamics in early Christian history, interreligious encounter in Antiquity, the functions of mysteries, New Testament ethics. Dr. Markus Zehnder is Professor of Biblical Studies at Ansgar College and heological Seminary (4635 Kristiansand, Norway) and Assistant Professor of Old Testament at the University of Basel (4051 Basel, Switzerland). Research interests: Various aspects of the history and languages of the ancient Near East, with a special focus on the Hebrew Bible. Pietas Bisher sind folgende Bände erschienen: Band 1 Stefan Sommer: Rom und die Vereinigungen im südwestlichen Kleinasien (133 v. Chr. – 284 n. Chr.) Hennef: Buchverlag Marthe Clauss, 2006 – ISBN 3-934040-08-X Band 2 Volker Herholt: Antisemitismus in der Antike. Kontinuitäten und Brüche eines historischen Phänomens Gutenberg 2009 – ISBN 978-3-940598-05-9 Band 3 Elena Köstner: Tod im Trevererland. Interkulturelle Beziehungen zwischen Römern und Kelten. Eine historisch-archäologische Gräberanalyse in der civitas Treverorum zwischen 150 v. und 100/120 n. Chr. Gutenberg 2011 – ISBN 978-3-940598-10-3 Band 4 Katja Wedekind: Religiöse Experten im lokalen Kontext. Kommunikationsmodelle in christlichen Quellen des 1.–3. Jhs. n. Chr. 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