ALFONSO ARCHI*
The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different
Traditions
1. Išduštaya and Papaya
In an often quoted passage of an Old-Hittite ritual for the erection of a new palace,
KUB 29.1(+) (CTH 414),1 the king says:
“To me, the king, have the gods (that is) – the Sun-god(dess) and the Storm-god –
entrusted the land and my house. I, the king, shall rule over my land and my house.
... To me, the king, has Ḫalamašuit (the Hattic Throne-goddess) brought from the
Sea the (insignia of) authority (and) the coach; thereupon have they opened to me the
land of my mother (i.e. the Sun-goddess) and called me Labarna, the king. From then
on I have been directing my request to the Storm-god, my father. ... The Thronegoddess hails the Eagle: Go! I am sending thee to the Sea ... The Eagle says: I have
searched. Only Išduštaya (and) Papaya, the primeval goddesses of the netherworld,
the daughters-in-law, (kat-te-ir-ri-eš ka-ru-ú-e-li-e-eš DINGIRMEŠ ku-ú-še-eš) are
kneeling ... One holds a distaff, they hold full spindles.2 They are spinning the years
of the king. The shortness of the years, their calculation cannot be seen.” (I 23-II 10)
This ritual has a general Hattic background.3 In particular, Išduštaya and Papaya are
Hattic goddesses,4 who appear in Hattic texts, KUB 28.15 I 5a: Eš-du-uš-ta-ya
[;
KBo 37.11 II 14, 15: Pa-a-pa-a-i-ya-a (without divine determinative).
For the Hattians, life was compared to a thread, a metaphor well diffused also in the
Indo-European milieu (it is attested in Greek, Latin, Germanic and perhaps also in Indo*
1
2
3
4
Università La Sapienza, Roma.
Carini 1982. An English translation was provided by Albrecht Goetze in ANET 357–358.
A bronze “middle-whorl-spindle” (14 cm long, diameter of the disc: 4.5 cm), and a silver one with
a golden tip (16 cm long, 7 cm in diameter) were found at Horoztepe, Özguç – Akok 1958, 15 f.
(with figs. 25-26), 45, 51 and Pl. VIII 1-3. For another bronze spindle, see Koşay 1951, Pl. 197, 1.
For (GIŠ)ḫueša- “spindle”, and (GIŠ)ḫulali- “distaff”, see Oettinger 1976, 64–66. The textual documentation has been represented by Ofitsch 2001. An etymological derivation of (GIŠ)ḫueša- from
ḫueš- “to live” is unlikely, HED H, 343.
At least, for most of the interpreters, see Klinger 1996, 125 f. and 140 f.
For Išduštaya, see Otten 1976–1980a; for Papaya, see Frantz-Szabó 2003–2005.
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Alfonso Archi
2
Iranian and Slavic literatures),5 which the Hittites received instead from the Hattic substrate. Išduštaya and Papaya coexisted (as will be shown here below) with the Hittite
Fate-goddesses, the Gulšeš, who never were assimilated to them. They used a different
technique: that “to engrave, inscribe”, gulš-, the destiny of mankind.
1.1 Celebrations in the ḫešta-house6
In the texts in Hittite, Išduštaya and Papaya7 appear mostly in the cult for the chthonic
gods of the ḫešta-house in Ḫattuša (CTH 645), where the purulli-festival was celebrated, that is the Hattic festival of the Earth (wur), in spring, “when the land prospers (and)
thrives.” These rites had the aim of guaranteeing that life continued.
According to the OH manuscript KBo 17.15 Vs. 9-17 (StBoT 25 no. 27), the worshipped gods were:
Lelwani - Šiwat - Tašammat - Tašimmet - UTU - Ištuštaya - Papaya - Ḫašammila Zilipuri.8
NH duplicates of this list are KBo 17.40 + 25.177 I 1-5 (+ KBo 24.111 I! 2-17);9 the
fragmentary KBo 23.69 Rs. 1-8. Further lists of the same festival are:
KBo 13.216 VI 1-6: Išduštaya] - Pappaya - Ḫašammmili - Zilipuri - [.
KBo 25.71(a) + KBo 31.208(b) 1-13; [Išdušt]ya Papaya (in a 14 + b 10).
KUB 58.28 III 2-IV 8: ] Išduštaya ..... Lelw[ani] ..... [U.GUR] - Šitarz[una GIŠ
AB-ya] - GIŠḫattalwaš GIŠ - Zappa - MUḪI.A.
KUB 58.50 V 3-11: ] Išduštaya - Pappaya - [Ḫašammmil]i - [.10
The redaction of this festival which was celebrated in the ḫešta-house on the eleventh
day of the Spring festival (AN.TAḪ.ŠUMSAR) lists the following gods, IBoT 3.1 (CTH
609) 44-49:
Lelwani - UD.SIG5! - (taknaš) UTU - Papaya - Išduštaya - Ḫašamili - U.GUR Šitaršuna - GIŠAB-ya - ḫatalwaš GIŠ - Zappa(š) - MUḪI.A.11
5
6
7
8
9
10
Giannakis 1998.
Another festival of Hattic origin with Išduštaya (and) Papaya is documented by the fragment KBo
37.161, in ll. 2-5: Zalinu [ ] Wurunkatte [ ] NIN.É.GAL Išt[uštaya Papaya ] Eštanu.
For the writings of the two names in the documents in Hittite, see van Gessel 1998, 206 f. and
349 f.
Cfr. Yoshida 1996, 94.
Haas – Wäfler 1976, 86 f.
KBo 25.30 (Išduštaya in l. 15) belongs either to CTH 645 or CTH 609.
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The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
3
Lelwani and his circle were deities of Hattic origin.12 Lelwani recieved the Hattic epithet of katte “king,” in the bilingual mythological section of a ritual for the building of a
palace for the king, KBo 37.1 lk. Sp. 5-6 - r. Sp. 5: (the Storm-god) DŠāru (= DTāru)
kātte DLēlwani kātte - DIM-aš LUGAL-uš Lēlwaniš-a LUGAL-uš.13 The two gods give
their approval for the Sun-goddess to build for herself a palace in Liḫzina. Ḫašammili
(who appears also in the ḫešta-celebrations) takes part in this building as the blacksmith
of the gods (ll. 9-21).
Hittite Šiwat, “Day,” Hattic Izzištanu,14 logogram UD.SIG5 “Propitious Day,” was
the day on which one dies. Taknaš UTU was Wurunšemu/Urunzimu “Mother of the
Earth,” an epithet of the Sun-goddess Eštan qualifying her as a chthonic deity.15 Zilipuri
was a god connected with the hearth; his logogram, U.GUR,16 is the same as Šulinkatte.
In the list KUB 44.23 Zilipuri is replaced by Šulinkatte (also a Hattic god).17 In the
Hattic-Hittite Bilinguis KUB 2.2 + 48.1 II 37 ff., where the gods build a palace for the
king, Zilupuri “the king,” katte / LUGAL-uš, builds the throne (ḫānwašuitt- /
ḫalamašuitt-) (ll. 14-18).18 Tašimmet was a “concubine” of the Storm-god.19 The deities
Šittarzuna and Zappa are not sufficiently characterized. The Window (luttai/GIŠAB-ya)
and the Wood of the bolt (ḫatalwaš taru/GIŠ) were important elements connecting the
inside with the outside of the temple and often received offerings in the regular cults.20
The Years (MUḪI.A) were symbolic representations of the years of the dynasty, kept in
the ḫešta-house, under the protection of the gods of that temple.21
If the Fate-goddesses had the task of establishing the length of mortals’ lives and,
therefore, were deities of life, also the other Hattic deities of the ḫešta-house acted in
that fearful borderland that separates life from death. This border was represented by
the Propitious Day (the day of one’s death). Zilipuri provided the hearth and the throne,
the former representing the unity and continuity of the family and the latter, of royal
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
The same list, ending with U.GUR, is also in ll. 60-62; see Haas – Wäfler 1976, 92 f. A parallel
passage is KUB 41.27 V 1-4, with Zuppa(š) and MU.KAMḪI.A. See further, KUB 58.69 I 12-17:
Išduš[taya] ... P[apaya], see García Trabazo – Groddek 2005, 180.
On Lelwani, see the monograph by Torri, 1999. Previous studies are: Otten, 1950; von Schuler,
1980–1983. See, further, Haas, 1994, 245; Klinger 1996, 167–169; Taracha 2009, 49 f. (on
Lelwani's circle).
Schuster 2002, 156 f.
Otten 1976–1980b.
In the Funerary ritual for the royal family, Izzištanu / UD.SIG5 and taknaš UTU are the gods who
receive more offerings, together with the Soul, ZI (Ištanzana).
Yoshida 1991, 58–61.
Torri 1999, 11 f. 16.
Schuster 1974, 70 f.
Klinger 1996, 173.
Archi 1966, 89–92; Popko 1978, 42–48.
Torri 1999, 22–27. Similarly, the hieroglyphic sign L.336 depicts the pithos (kept in several temples), where barley was kept at the harvest. In spring it was ground and used for making bread,
symbolizing the continuity of the harvest from year to year, see Archi 1973.
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Alfonso Archi
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power. The Sun-goddess of the Earth ensured a favourable journey to the afterlife. It
was Lelwani, the deity to whom the ḫešta-house was dedicated, who established when
an individual’s life would end (which explains why she was linked to Išduštaya and
Papaya).22 The queen Puduḫepa asks Lelwani to intercede with the other gods to grant
long lives to her husband Ḫattusili and herself.23 This same queen makes various vows
to Lelwani for the life of his Majesty.24 It is to Lelwani that one turns in order that the
princess Gaššuliyawia may be cured.25 According to the Annals of Tutḫaliya I, Lelwani
(together with the principal gods) accompanied the king into battle. In the case of a trial,
the palace officials had to swear to Lelwani that they had faithfully performed the tasks
they had been assigned (KUB 13.35 I 6-7). Political treaties were also deposited in the
temple of Lelwani, evidently because it was her task to put an end to those unfaithful to
the pacts undertaken.26
Although Išduštaya and Papaya are defined as kattereš karuileš “primeval goddesses
of the netherworld” in the ritual KUB 29.1, they, together with Lelwani, must be distinguished from the karuileš šiuneš, kattereš šiuneš, Hurr. enna durenna “primeval gods,”
and enna ammattena “ancestor gods,” terms which qualify the primeval, inferior gods
of Hurrian origin.27 Of the gods of the ḫešta-house, only the Sun-goddess of the Earth
(the Netherworld), taknaš UTU, found a correspondence with Ereškigal, the Sumerian
“Queen of the Great Below,” and Hurr. Allani, that is the queen of the Netherworld.28
The Fate-goddesses may be considered underworld gods, only because they determined
precisely when an individual was to reach pass to the Netherworld.
1.2 Other contexts
a)
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
The two Hattic Fate-goddesses appear (so to say, for attraction) behind the
Hittite Parcae, the Gulšeš, in the Telepinu Myth. “All the gods” are sitting in
assembly under a hawthorn tree. Only the Fate-goddesses are mentioned by
name, together with the Hittite goddesses of prosperity and the tutelary-deities
involved in the ritual to which the myth is associated, KUB 17.10 III 30-32:
Torri 1999, 49–51.
KUB 21.27(+) III 31-38: “You, Lelwani [my Lady], let the life of Ḫattušili, your servant, and of
Puduḫepa, your servant, [come forth] from your mouth before the gods! ... If you, Lelwani, my lady, will speak favorably [to the gods] and will keep your servant, Ḫattusili, alive and grant him
long years, months, days, I shall come ...”. See Lebrun 1980, 333 f.; Singer 2002, 104.
Otten – Souček 1965, 16 f., I 2-4: “Der Göttin Lelwani, meiner Herrin, habe ich für das Leben der
Person der Majestät (dieses) Gelübde abgelegt: ‘Wenn du, o Göttin, meine Herrin, die Majestät für
lange Jahre bei Leben und Gesundheit erhälst...”.
KBo 4.6 (CTH 480); see Torri 1999, 41 f.
See the passages quoted by Torri 1999, 59–61.
Laroche 1974; Archi 1990.
Torri 1999, 89–97.
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5
The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
“[Papapya], Ištuštaya, the Fate-goddesses (Gulšeš), Miyatanzipa, Telepinu, the
Tutelary-god (Innar/KAL), Ḫapantali [and ].”
b)
KBo 4.13 + KUB 10.82 (CTH 625) is a great celebration at Ḫattuša, in the
palace (ÉTIM GAL), on one of the days of the spring-festival AN.TAḪ.ŠUM,
listing a large number of gods on the occasion of several offerings.29 Although
this manuscript is late (probably from the period of Tuthaliya IV),30 the scribe
used several older documents.31 The first offering list (I 1-48), starts anomalously (at least according to the Hattic-Hittite tradition), with Heaven and Earth
(the Netherworld), the Hattic Fate-goddesses, two other deities of Lelwani's
circle, and quite probably with Lelwani herself (ALLATUM):
I
1
3
[I UDU AN] ⌈I⌉ ⌈UDU⌉ ER- E-TU[M
D
AL-LA-TUM(?)]
I UDU DIš-du-uš-ta-ya [I UDU DPa-pa-ya]
I UDU DTa-ša-ma-za I UDU ⌈D⌉[Ta-ši-mi-iz].
I
UDU
The presence of Heaven and Earth is according to an Akkadian-Hurrian model.32 There are then some tutelary spirits (of the Front, Tongue, A[...], Fault);
some qualities of the Storm-god. The great gods appear first at line 17. The Hittite Parcae, Gulšeš, appear in this festival much more frequently than the Hattic
ones, together with their own circle, that of the gods assuring prosperity:
II 19-22, IV 1-3, IV 21-24: Telepinu - Ḫalki - SUMUQAN; Gulšuš DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ-uš Ḫarištašši - U.GUR U.GUR URUḪayaša33
VI 32-38 (dupl. KBo 19.128 VI 17-24):34 XV DINGIRMEŠ: Gulšuš DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ-uš - Kuzanašu (/ GUNNI) - U.GUR Ù U.GUR URUḪayaša SÎN (/ EN.ZU) - MUL - Išpanza (/ GE6-anza) - Ḫašmaiu (/ Ḫašammili) Kattaḫḫi (/ SAL.LUGAL) - Ḫarištašši - Ḫilašši - tepu pedan - EME-aš
ḫandanza - zipu Šarrumar (/ lammar tartan) - UD.[SIG5].
29
30
31
32
33
34
Haas 1994, 775–781, who suggests that this celebration was performed the day before the “first
day” of the AN.TAḪ.ŠUM-festival. For alternative suggestions, see Schwemer 2004.
Otten 1971, 51, who pointed out the many parallelisms between KBo 14.13 + KUB 10.82 and KBo
19.128.
As Forlanini 2007, has shown, with insight.
See the ritual KUB 9.28 I 3-9 (dupl. KBo 27.49, 3-7): Sun-god, Storm-god of heaven, Storm-god of
the country, thousand gods, Heaven (and) Earth, [...], Moon-god, Grain (Dagan), NIN.É.GAL, Ištar
Ninatta Kulitta, Taraweš Gulšeš Ḫilaššiš, Mountains (and) Rivers of Ḫattuša, thousand gods.
The first and third lists start, and the second ends with: DU ÉTIM GAL, “of the Palace”, Otten 1971,
22 f.
Otten 1971, 45–47.
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This last list includes gods directly related to the inhabitants of the palace and
their fate: Hearth, Hatt. Kuz(z)ana/išu, Hitt. Ḫašša; the celestial bodies: Moon,
Star, and Night, which influence human beings; Ḫarištašši: connected with
ḫarištani- “storeroom”;35 Ḫilašši: the Genius of the courtyard; tepu pedan “Little
Place” (perhaps a euphemism for the netherworld and/or the grave);36 Tongue
Fit; ... Separation (// ... Moment); Propitius Day (the day on which one dies).
c)
It is difficult to understand why Išduštaya and Papaya appear in a ritual concerning an oath for an army employed in the Hurrian lands, KUB 9.1 II 30. The
king has to say secretly that he (a former Macbeth) had encountered the Fategoddesses, II 1-9: “The king [recites] as follows: ‘[ ] took (3rd pl.) the king
(acc.) and the lords (acc.) 1 pālza. I, the king, met the two goddesses: Papaya
(and) [Išdu]štaya, and I camped’. The two (IITAM)37 met he! [The king] whispe[rs] these words by night in the land of the town of Ḫimmuwa.”
d)
Papaya appears together with Kataḫzipuri (Hittite Kamrušepa), the Hattic goddess of magic, in KUB 56.17, an obscure text concerning the elimination of
omens announced in an “unfavourable dream,” Ù ḪUL.38
2. The Gulšeš
2.1 The Hittite contexts
The verb gulš- means “to carve, engrave, mark, inscribe, write.” The thematic noun
D
Gulša- appears as personified theonym (in general plural): “Fate-goddesses.” The
Luwian forms are DGulza-, DGulzanzipa-; Palaic DGulzan(n)ika-.39 The idea that the
“lot, fate” (cfr. Gk. moîra) was “marked, engraved” for every individual from his very
birth was, therefore, common amongst Anatolian peoples of Indo-European language
35
36
37
38
39
Haas 1994, 261, note 74.
CHD P, 339 f.
Here, better than “twice".
Klengel 1988.
Carruba 1966, 34–37, has demonstrated that this verb and divine name are written phonetically (not
ideographically). For the verb gulš-, see Oettinger 1979, 203 f.; in general, HED K, 239–244. For
the Luwian data, Melchert 1993, 107 f.; Starke 1990, 462–464 and Melchert 2003, 284. For Palaic
D
Gulzan(n)ikas, DGulzan(n)ikeš, see Carruba 1972, 27, and the list in van Gessel 1998, 255. For
Gulšaš in the festival of Zaparwa (in Hittite), see KBo 13.217 V 16, 20.
The list of gods in the Palaic ritual KUB 35.165 Rs. 13-18 has, beside the Gulzannikeš, a list of
Hattic and Palaic-Hittite gods: Kataḫḫzipuri, Ilaliyantikeš, Ḫašamili, Kamama, Ḫilanzipa,
Gulzannikeš, Uliliantikeš, see Carruba 1970, 19.
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The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
7
and this undoubtedly predates the introduction of writing. The earliest attestations of
this root are given by the personal names Kulšata, Kulziya(r) of the Old Assyrian period.40 The act of counting, incising a sign for every unit of measurement, is described in
a myth, KUB 33.118, 5-6: UD.KAMḪI.A-uš kap[puwaizzi IT]U.KAMḪI.Agulaškiz[zi]
“(Mount Wašitta) counts the days, keeps incised the months.” It is possible that, with
the spread of writing in certain spheres, the custom of writing the fate was attributed to
the Gulšes: GIŠ(:ḪUR)gulzattar, derived from gulš-, means “inscribed wooden tablet.”41
The vocabulary KBo 13.2 rev. 2 has: [nam-ta r = šīmta šâmu] = gulšaš gulšuwa[r]
“determine the fate” (CHD L-N, 44 s.v. lappiya-). (D)Gulšas was the translation for Akk.
šīmtu “fate”. The Akkadian Wisdom of Uruk is known from the archives of Ugarit,
Emar and Ḫattuša, where it received a Hittite translation; ll. 145-147: a-[na u4]-mi
[ši-ma]-ti-ka (dupl.: a-na u]m-me ša-a šim-ma-ti-ka) 9 KURUM6MEŠ ŠID-nu-m[a
mu-t]a-a-nu [re-š]u-uk-ka “(Le grenier de ta maison, sur toute [l'étendue] de sa [p]ièce,
est rempli de grain;) au jour de ta mo[rt] on comptera (seulement) neuf rations: c'est
l'épidemie que tu auras pour capital!”42 The Hittite version, misunderstanding this passage, translates rēšu literally with “head,” KBo 12.70 Vs. 39-42: GIM-an-ma-ta
D
Gul-ša-aš UD.KAM-uš ti-an-zi nu 9-an a-ra-li-i-en kap-pu-u-wa-a-an-zi na-an-ta
ki-it-kar-za zi-ik-kán-zi “lorsque les Parques fixent l'avenir (/ les jours), elles comptent
neuf arali, et le portent à ta tête.”43
In the KIN oracles (belonging to the Hittite tradition), the tokens called DGulšaš
minumar / DNAM minumar “favour of Fate” may alternate in the same text.44 There are
“unfavourable / well-being Gulšaš,” KUB 58.108 I 5, 8, IV 8: idaluš DGulšaš, IV 10,
13: :ušantariš DGulšaš. KUB 23.85, 5-6: “You, Tattamaru, had married the daughter of
my sister, (but) then the Gulšeš treated you badly, and she died on you.”45 KUB 43.72 II
11: DGulšaš idālu gulaššuwar “bad decree of the Fate-goddesses.”
Although the following ritual for Tuthaliya III presents certain elements from
Kizzuwatna (and perhaps some others taken from a Babylonian ritual), the passage with
the Gulšeš and the Mother-goddesses (DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ) presents the usual Hittite
formulae, KUB 43.55 II 11-21 (dupl. KUB 58.101 Vs. 1-19):46
“In regard to this matter we have just now summoned as witnesses the [... Mo]thergoddesses and the Fate-goddesses. [And i]f a man is at any time born, [then] as the
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
Laroche 1966, 97.
The attributes of the Roman Parcae are not only the implements for weaving, as for the Moirai, but
also the volumen, where they fixed the fate in writing.
Translation by Arnaud 2007, 148–179, who has provided a recent edition of the text.
Laroche 1968, 782.
This fact has been noted by Laroche 1948, 125. For minumar in connection with other terms as a
token of the KIN oracles, see Archi 1974, 135.
Hagenbuchner 1989, 2. 15.
Haas 1988, 87–91; Taracha 2000, 58–61. The translation is that of Beckman 1983, 245. A similar
invocation to the Fate-goddesses is KUB 55.42 4-8.
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Fate-goddesses and the Mother-goddesses on that day designate well-being (aššul)
for him – this is the day! May you Fate-goddesses and Mother-goddesses designate
(gulašten) life, [...] strength, long years, [future li]fe, success, love of gods and human beings ... for the king (and) queen.”
The Fate-goddesses, active at the moment of birth, follow man throughout his entire
life. The middle Hittite ritual of Ḫantitaššu (“the woman of Ḫurma;” CTH 395), was
performed “if the years are disturbed (nininkanteš) for a man or a woman,” and addressed not only to the Sun-god, but also to the Gulšeš, KBo 11.14 I 16, II 36 (the
“words of the goddess Kamrušepa” are also mentioned in II 25).
The Gulšeš, generally associated with DINGIR.MAḪ, that is Ḫannaḫanna, or the
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ (as well as the Darawa, Darawaeš, Luw. Darawanzi),47 are deities in
charge of well-being. They appear together with Telepinu and Ḫašamili, of Hattic
origin, and play an important role as tutelary deities in the (Hattic-)Hittite cults. The
Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ appear in the birth ritual KBo 24.6 Vs. 3.48 The Telepinu
Myth, KUB 17.10 III 30-32, mentions: “[Papapya], Ištuštaya, the Fate-goddesses
(Gulšeš), Miyatanzipa, Telepinu, the Tutelary-god (Innar/KAL), Ḫapantali [and
].”
The pantheon of the city of Karaḫna, KUB 25.32(+) (a late manuscript) I 4-19, lists:
several tutelary gods of nature (KAL), the Storm-god of the army, U.GUR,
ZA.BA4.BA4, Pirwa, Aškašipa, [MUNUS.LUGAL], Ḫalki, Telipinu, Moon-god,
Antaliya (a local deity), Immarniza, MAḪ, Gulšeš, Ḫašamili.49
DINGIR.MAḪ(MEŠ) and Gulšeš are also associated with each other in other myths of
Hittite tradition. VBoT 58 (Disappearance of the Sun-god) I 32-34: “[Go,] call the Fategoddess (DGulaššan) and Ḫannaḫanna (DINGIR.MAḪ). If those (other gods) have died,
[then] these too (who assure the future of the land) may have died. [Did] Frost (Ḫaḫḫima) [come] to their gate too?” KUB 33.24 (Disappearance of the Storm-god) I 37-38:
“The Storm-god's father went to the Fate-goddess and Ḫannaḫanna ...”50
They appear together in some rituals, such as that dictated by Pupuwanni, KUB 7.2
(CTH 408) I 15-16 and KUB 41.3(+) I 20: Storm-god, Sun-god, Tutelary-god of nature
(Innar), Gulšeš, Daraweš.51 KUB 15.31 is an evocation of “the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ and
the Gulšeš, (i.e.) the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ and the Gulšeš of the gods and of the persons of
the human beings, (and) Zukki (with) Anzili” (I 1-2, 36-37, II 4-5).52
47
48
49
50
51
52
Carruba 1966, 30 note 48, suggested identifying the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ with the Darawaeš (for the
sequence Gulšeš - Darawa, see, e. g., KBo 30.124 Rs. 1, 12). This is not possible because of passages such as KUB 35.84 II 9: Gulšeš DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ Daraweš; KBo 24.101 Rs. 6:
DINGIR.MAḪ Gulšeš Tarawa.
Beckman 1983, 224 f. See also KBo 30.4 III 7-8.
Dinçol – Darga 1969–1970, 100 f. See, further, the passages from KBo 4.13(+) quoted above, 1.2.
See Hoffner 1990, 21. 27.
Bawanypeck 2005, 277 f. 286.
Haas – Wilhelm 1974, 148–155 (with the duplicate KUB 15.32). Another evocation of the Gulšeš,
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ and Daraweš, KUB 35.84, belongs to the Luwian milieu. See also the catalogue
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9
In the annual festival for the goddess Ḫuwaššanna of Ḫupišna (cl. Kybistra) (with
Luwian elements), KBo 20.72(+) (and parallel texts; CTH 694), Ḫarištašši, together
with the Gulšeš and UD.SIG5 “Propitious Day”, appear regularly besides Ḫuwaššanna,
the Storm-god and the War-god ZA.BA4.BA4 (KBo 20.72(+) II 7, III 12-13, et passim;
KBo 20.48 Rs.? 14-16; KBo 20.51 I 8). Ḫarištašši is a god of the house and the family.
In KUB 12.5 I 14-15, the queen “drinks” Ḫarištašši, the bed and the couch (natḫi,
namulli).53 In this ritual, therefore, Ḫuwaššanna (a deity whose functions are those of a
mother-goddess), has beside her: 1) the tutelary god of the place where a woman who
has just given birth and her newborn child lie, together with bed and couch; 2) the Fategoddesses; 3) the God of the Day on which one dies. These three are the tutelary gods
of the crucial moments in a person’s life: birth, determination of one’s fate, and death.54
The Fate-goddess and the Mother-goddess of a living or deceased person could acquire their own, particular individuality. The cult inventory KUB 48.114 I 5-10 has:
D
Gulšaš DINGIR.MAḪ-aš-a ŠA DUMU.NITA AMA-ŠU ḫannaš ḫuḫḫaš “Fate-goddess
and Mother-goddess of the son of his mother, (his) grandmother, grandfather;” DGulšaš
DINGIR.MAḪ-aš ŠA DAM IŠaḫurunuwa “... of Šaḫurunuwa's wife;” DGulša[š
DINGIR.MAḪ-aš ŠA ITutḫa]liya LUGAL Ù ŠA [ “... of Tutḫa]liya, the king and of [ his
...].”55
It is the singer of Kaneš who sings (in Hittite) for the Gulšeš of the river bank
(wappuwaš) [and the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ], KUB 9.21, 6-8 (in ll. 3-5, 9-10, also the Tutelary-god of the river and the Gods of the river receive offerings).56 The ritual of
Tunnawiya, KUB 7.53 + 12.58 (CTH 409), of Hittite-Luwian tradition, explains why
rituals took place at the river bank.57 Water purifies and the clay of the river is uncontaminated. This same clay is essential to the rite as it was used to shape the “evil
tongues”, the destruction of which eliminated evil spells. In I 27-51 the Old Woman
goes to the river bank, offers to Ḫannaḫanna (DMAḪ), and recites: “Here, Ḫannaḫanna
of the river bank, I have come back to you. And you, Ḫannaḫanna from which river
53
54
55
56
57
KUB 30.56 III 4: “When they draw the Mother-goddesses of the person (NÍ.TE-aš
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ) from the road,” Dardano 2006, 212. “Ḫannaḫanna of the person of the queen,”
DINGIR.MAḪ ŠA NÍ.TE MUNUS.LUGAL, is mentioned in Bo 5048 I 17, see de Roos 2007, 256.
Otten 1972–1975.
Lombardi 1999, see in particular 225–229. KUB 51.30 Vs. 6-9 lists offerings for the Hearth, the
Throne (DDAG-ti), the Window for the Gulaššeš (GIŠAB-ya DGul-aš-ša-aš), the Inner Chamber for
Ḫarištašši (É.ŠÀ-ni DḪa-re-eš-ta-ši). Ḫarištašši is mentioned in KUB 32.87 + KBo 23.72 + KBo
39.137 + KBo 43.154 Vs. 35-39 (a fragmentary passage) after the Mother-goddesses and the Fategoddesses.
See also DINGIR.MAḪ MUNUSAMA DUTUŠI “(offerings to) Ḫannaḫanna of His Majesty's mother;
DINGIR.MAḪ MUNUS.LUGAL-aš “Ḫannahanna of the queen,” KBo 23.72(+) Vs. 12, Rs. 30.
McMahon 1991, 190 f. In KUB 44.12 VI 5-6, the singer sings for this goddess in Hattic, which is
anomalous.
The text has been studied by Goetze 1938; the attribution of this ritual to the Hittite-Luwian tradition has been reasserted by Miller 2004, 452–461.
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10
bank this clay is taken, take (it) in your hand, and cleanse this sacrificer with it; purify
the twelve parts of his body.” After some other offerings, she says: “Just as you, O
spring, keep gushing up silt back up from the dark earth, in the same way remove evil
uncleanness from the limbs of this person, the sacrificer.” Then, the Old Woman brings
there the clay of the river bank (and) the clay of the spring. She shapes two clay figures,
twelve clay tongues, two clay oxen, etc.58
2.2 Rituals with Hurrian elements
In the first tablet of the ritual of Allaituraḫi, the Old Woman of Mukiš, we find a similar
situation, but this time addressed to the Gulšeš instead of Ḫannaḫanna (KUB 17.27 II 438). The Old Woman uses first the clay for some magic actions. Then, she goes back to
the river bank and offers to the Fate-goddesses of the river bank, saying:
“Eat, Fate-goddesses of the river bank (wappuwaš). If the wicked sorcerer gave the
image of this man either to the river bank or to the current of the river, give it back to
him!”59
The purifying properties of the water and the silt washed by the currents of the river are
of universal significance. The elimination of evil spells through the destruction of the
clay tongues and figurines which represent them in tangible form are common to Hittite
magic. Such practices cannot be attributed to foreign influence, even though Allaituraḫi
came from a markedly Hurrianized sphere. We cannot exclude the possibility that the
ritual (of the late period) was extensively reformulated at Ḫattuša.
The Fate-goddesses of the river bank and the Mother-goddesses (DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ)
are also associated with each other in a fragmentary ritual, Bo 3617. There is first the
simile of the prolific pig (I 4-5), typical of Hittite tradition. There then follows the account of the separation of earth and sky, with the gods dividing between those who
inhabit Heaven and those of the Netherworld. This is a mythology of Mesopotamian
tradition, borrowed through the Hurrians.60 The sacrificer says on the river bank:
58
The analogy between the work of magicians and potters is expressed in the ritual of Iriya, the
ḪAL, KUB 30.35 + 39.104 (CTH 400) I 6-9: “And exactly where the potters use to take [the
clay] of the river bank, you will go there, and you will say to the river bank (nu kuwapi wappuw[aš
IM LÚ.]MEŠBÁḪAR imma daškanzi): ‘O my river bank, [why] I came (to) it; why I took (this) trouble (dariyaḫḫun)?’”, see Gurney, 1937.
Haas 2007, 15. 26.
The text (and its duplicates) has been published and studied by Otten – Siegelová 1970, who pointed to the Mesopotamian origin of this theme. Notice that this theme is found also in the myth
Kingship in Heaven, where some gods “went down to the Dark Earth,” see Hoffner 1990, 40.
LÚ
59
60
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11
“When they took Heaven and Earth, the gods split up; the upper gods took Heaven,
but the lower gods took Earth and the Netherworld. Everyone took its own. You, O
river, took for yourself purification, life of progeny, and procreative power(?). Now,
because (someone) says to someone else: it is terrible, (then) he goes back to you, O
river, and to the Fate-goddesses and Mother-goddesses of the river bank, who create
man.”61
In this passage, šamnai-, šamniya- “to create” refers to creation from clay, a well known
image in both Sumerian and Babylonian myths, an analogy with the work of potters and
sculptors.62 The basic meaning of the verb seems to be: “to found, to implant.” The verb
is used in the Kumarbi myths (Kumarbi, the Mother-goddesses “created DN”), and in
Gilgameš. The Prayer of Kantuzzili (for which Babylonian material was at disposal)
has: “O my god, you have made me (iyaš), you have created (šamnāeš) me.” This verb
expresses also the creation of artifacts by smiths, i. e. “to forge” (HCD s. v.).
In KUB 58.108 IV 5-10, the verb šamniya- is again referred to the well-being, procreating, (:ušantāra(i)-) Gulšeš: “He/She sacrifices one fattened ušantari-sheep to the
Gulšeš ... The Old Woman says: ‘I have removed [from ...] the evil Gulša. [Whom] the
ušantari Gulša has created, I, the ušantari Gulša have bound back...’”63
The idea that mankind was shaped from clay occurs also in a ritual for the evocation
of the Underworld gods, KUB 7.41 (and duplicates; CTH 446) of clear Hurrian origin,64
I 39-48: “He goes to the river bank ... He speaks as follows: ‘I, a human being, have
now come! As Ḫannaḫanna takes children from the river bank (DINGIR.MAḪ
DUMU-tar wappui65 daškizzi), I too, a human being, have come to the river bank to
summon the Primeval (karuiliēš) gods ... Aduntarri the diviner, Zulki the dream interpretess... (gods belonging to the well-known Hurrian enna turena).”66
Analysis of these rituals shows that Ḫannaḫanna and all the Mother-goddesses, together
with the Gulšeš, were connected in Hittite magic with the river banks. Here the “evil
tongues” were modeled, images of the sacrificer(s) and of the ones responsible for the
witchcraft, to then proceed with the elimination of the evil spells. The Hurrian magic
attributes to these goddesses the act of creating mankind, shaping man from clay, a
concept that goes back to the Sumerians.
61
62
63
64
65
66
The wappuaš DINGIR.MAḪ(MEŠ) are mentioned in several rituals, see, e. g., KBo 11.17 II 6; KBo
13.210 Rs. 2, 9.
Frymer-Kensky 1987, 129–131.
See Otten – Siegelová 1970, 33 f., where :ušantār(a)i- is also discussed; CHD Š, 125b.
The document has been studied by Otten 1961. Recent translations of this complex ritual have been
given by Collins 1997 and Miller 2008.
This is a “dative of disadvantage.”
On the Primeval Hurrian god, in this ritual called also Anunnakū, see the studies quoted above in
note 27. Further literature in Taracha 2009, 126 note 710.
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2.3 Contexts of Hurrian origin
The Hittite versions of the Hurrian myths translate (when possible) the personal names
of the gods: Tarḫuna (nom. DU-aš) for the Storm-god Teššup, Ištanu (nom. DUTU-uš)
for the Sun-god Šimigi; similarly, in the Classical Age, an educated person used Jupiter
in Latin and Zeus in Greek. The names of the Hurrian Fate-goddesses Ḫutena and
Ḫutellura were translated with Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ/ḪI.A. The Hurrian fragment
KUB 45.61 tells of Ullikummi's birth, according to the analysis by Mauro Giorgieri.
The Hittite version of Ullikummi has: “The Fate-goddesses (Gulšuš) and the Mo[thergoddesses lifted / took the child and] they placed him on Kumarbi's knees.” The Hurrian
passage, KUB 45.61 II 5-6, may be translated as follows: “The goddesses Ḫutena [and
Ḫutellura] brought him (i. e. the child) to his (i.e. Teššub) lap, holding him.”67
The Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ are found also in Ḫedammu, see fragments nos.
18, 11 and 19, 7;68 in Gilgameš, KUB 8.59, 89: “The Sea cursed Gilgameš, [...] and the
Fate-goddesses;” in Gurparanzaḫ, KUB 17.9 I 36-38: “(The river Aranzaḫ) went by
DINGIR.MAḪ. The Fate-goddesses saw the river Aranzaḫ; [to eat] and to drink they
gave [to him].”69
The Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ of the “circle (kaluti-) of Ḫebat” mentioned in
texts related to the cult of Tešub and Ḫebat of Aleppo, and those of other Hurrian cults
introduced into Ḫattuša, are actually the goddesses Ḫutena and Ḫutellura. KBo 27.191
(CTH 787) I 1-5: Dakidu, Gulšaš DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ, Išḫara. KUB 20.59 (CTH 616:
29th day of the AN.TAḪ.ŠUM festival, for Ea and his circle) VI 14-16 (dupl. KBo
9.140 III 14-16): DINGIR.MAḪ Gulšeš, Izzummi (vizier of Ea) Kalli; KUB 20.59 III 57: ] Ea, Damkina, [...], Fate-goddesses, Izzummi.
Ritual of the MUNUSŠU.GI (CTH 500), KBo 24.71, 4: NIN.É.GAL, A.A, Gulšaš
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ. Ritual of Ammiḫatna (CTH 471), KBo 5.2 III 7-12: Ḫepat, Išḫara,
Allani, Nikkallu, IŠTAR, Gulšaš DINGIR.MAḪ. Ritual of Palliya (CTH 475), KBo
44.98 + 35.198 (+) 15.43 (CTH 475) II 14-15: Ḫalki (= Dagan), Ea, Ḫutena Ḫutellura;
III 14: ŠA DU DGulaššaš DINGIR.MAḪḪI.A-aš.70 Substitution ritual, KUB 17.14(+)
(CTH 421) Vs.! 8-17: “(several Storm-gods) Šeri and Ḫurri, Sun-goddess of Arinna,
Ḫebat, Šarruma, Ḫaddašši, Enlil, Ninlil, Moon-god, Ningal, Ea, Damkina, Tutelary god
(of) Ḫuwaššanna, Tutelary-god of the hunting bag, Zitḫariya, DINGIR.GAL, Šanda, the
gods of my body, the gods of my person, the Fate-goddesses, the Mother-goddesses, the
gods of the land, the gods of the city, Mountains, Rivers...”71
67
68
69
70
71
Giorgieri 2001, 137–141. For an edition of KUB 45.61 see Salvini – Wegner 2004, 41 f. (no. 9).
The Hittite passage of Ullikummi is manuscript A III 11-12, see Güterbock 1952, 152 f.
Siegelová 1971, 62 f.
Pecchioli 2003, 484–486.
Groddek 2004, 74–76.
Kümmel 1967, 60 f. See, further, KUB 9.28 I 3-9, in note 32 above.
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13
The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
3. The Hurrian Ḫutena and Ḫutellura and the West-Semitic
Kotharāt
Emmanuel Laroche analyzed the name Ḫutellura as ḫute-ll-ur°-na: plural (-na), comitative (-ra-); Ḫutena as a nominal form, deriving both from the verb ḫut(e/i). From their
equivalent Gulšeš, and the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ, he deduced that they were female divinities, and suggested the meaning “to favour” for the verb, in agreement with passages in
the Mittani letter. The goddesses who determined one’s fate were seen as benevolent
entities, auguring well.72 Ḫutena is “She of favouring:” ḫud=we=na.73 In the Hurrian
birth ritual KBo 27.1, 10 (= ChS I/5, no 98): MUNUSŠi-in-ti-ma-a-ni ḫu-ti-il-lu-r[i],
ḫutilluri means “midwife”, being apposition of the personal name Šindimani.74
Ḫutena and Ḫutellura belong to the circle of Ḫebat, as it was established at Aleppo.
Some manuscripts have the list (A) (here below);75 (B) gives the sequence of the goddesses according to the manuscripts concerning the festival of Teššub and Ḫebat of
Ḫalab celebrated at Ḫattuša (KBo 14.142 I 20-28, dpl. KUB 27.13 I 13-18, CTH 698).
(C) is the ordo received at Ugarit76:
A
Ḫebat
Ḫebat Šarruma
Ḫebat muš(u)ni
Ḫebat kunzišalli
Darru Dakidu
Ḫutena Ḫutellura
Išḫara
Allani
Umbu
Ištar Ninatta Kulitta
...
72
73
74
75
76
B
Ḫebat (Ḫalap)
Ḫebat ḫalziyauwaš
Šarruma Allanza
Ḫebat mušni
Ḫebat ḫalziyauwaš
Ḫebat Allanzu
Ḫebat kunzišalli
Takitum
Gulšeš DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ
Išḫara
Allani
Nikkal
Ištar Ninatta Kulitta
...
C
1. Hebat
2. Išḫara
3. Allani
4. Ḫutena Ḫutellura
5. Ninatta Kulitta
6. Dakit
7. Nikkal
Laroche 1948, 124–126. Salvini 1988, 169 f., has suggested the meaning: “to praise.”
Haas 1994, 309.
This has been noted by Haas 1994, 483 with note 131.
This is the list presented by Laroche 1948, 121–124.
Laroche 1968, 519. This list is according to the texts RS. 24.295, AO 17.269 (CTA 172), AO
25.167 (CTA 173). RS. 24.261 adds Adamma Kubaba.
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The festival for Teššub and Ḫebat of Lawazantiya (CTH 699), KBo 21.34 III 58-63,
has: Ḫebat - Ḫebat Šarruma - Dakidu - Ḫutena Ḫutellura - attaš DINGIRMEŠ
DINGIR.MUNUSMEŠ keldiya.
The “Ugaritic pantheon” (RS. 1.17; RS. 24.264 + 280) has: several Ba‘al's - Earth
and Heaven - k rt (Kotharāt) - Yarah (the Moon). The k rt are translated dSa-sú-ra-tum
in the Akkadian version (RS. 20.24) of this pantheon. A comparison with the Hurrian
god-lists from Ugarit show that these goddesses were equivalent to Ḫutena Ḫutellura.77 The Ugaritic-Akkadian equivalence explains the functions attributed to
these goddesses. Akk. šassūru is a Sumerian loanword, which means “womb.” The
Sumerian and Akkadian Mother-goddess were assisted by seven assistants called
“wombs,” the Šassūrātu, who, because of their Ugaritic equivalence, have to be identified with Birth-goddesses.78 There were seven Kotharāt; they appear in the Aqhat epos
as goddesses of conception and pregnancy (KTU 1.17 II 26-40); in the Myth of the
Marriage of Yarah and Nikkal they are invoked as “daughters of the Star (hll), swallows” KTU 1.24, 4-42).79 k r means “wise, cunning;” Kothar (from the same root) is the
god of magic and technique. The name Kotharāt therefore fits well the tutelary goddesses of pregnancy and birth. This name is derived from *kšr “to be skilled, to
achieve,” a root attested to not only in West-Semitic but also in Akkadian. The cult of
the Kotharāt was diffused in the Middle Euphrates region from the beginning of the 2nd
millennium. An older version of an offering list from Mari (preceding the “Babylonization” of the local scribal school) presents already the equivalence between the Eastand West-Semitic birth goddesses, ll. 7-8: dSin-zu-ru-um dKà-ma-šu-ra-tum
(kawašurātum); the later version, ll. 11-12, has: dŠa-zu-[ru-um] dKu-ša-[ra-tum]
(kûšarātum).80 Emar VI/3, 378 II 18 has: dingirmeš ka-ša-ra-ti ša i-ši-ḫi.81
Ḫutena and Ḫutellura, according to the Hurrian version of Ullikummi (and also the
Gulšeš together with the DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ, when they are the translation of Ḫutena and
Ḫutellura in the Hittite version of Ullkummi, Ḫedammu and the other literary texts of
Hurrian origin) were goddesses of birth, like the Kotharāt in the Ugaritic documentation.82
It is probably that the Hurrians settled in Syria modelled their Birth-goddesses on the
Akkadian and Syrian ones. Proof is that ḫutilluri is the apposition to Šindimani in a
77
78
79
80
81
82
For the Akkadian version, see Nougayrol 1968, 44 f. Since the different sources, in three different
languages and writings, are organized in a rather “unfriendly” way in Ugaritica V, it is useful to
use the tables in Dietrich – Loretz 1988, 300–305; del Olmo Lete 2008, 43.
Stol 2000, 80–83.
For the names of the seven Kotharat and a translation of Yarah and Nikkal, see del Olmo Lete
2008, 34 and 94 f. For the Kotharat in general, see Pardee 1995, who quotes dḪu-le-e-li, in Emar
VI/3, 368 73, Arnaud 1986, 328, in relation to Ugaritic ḫll.
The two lists, originally published by Georges Dossin, have been reinterpreted by Lambert 1985,
529 f. (who quotes in note 8a, dKa-ma-šu-[ra-]tum, CT 25,30, 13); see, further, Durand 2008, 198 f.
Arnaud 1986, 372.
In the birth rituals of Hittite tradition only the DINGIR.MAḪ(MEŠ) usually assisted at the birth; the
Gulšeš appear only in one ritual, see the list of gods in Beckman 1983, 323.
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The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
15
Hurrian birth ritual KBo 27.1 (= ChS I/5, no 98 l. 10: MUNUSŠi-in-ti-ma-a-ni
ḫu-ti-il-lu-r[i], mentioned above) with the meaning of “midwife”. As Volkert Haas has
remarked, the first element of Šindimani is šind(i) “seven,” showing that the Ḫutena Ḫutellura goddesses were a heptad, as well as the West-Semitic Kotharāt.83
4. Concluding remarks
The study of religious beliefs, particularly those of an ancient civilisation, enables us to
identify certain deeply-rooted aspects of a culture. The case of the Fate-goddesses is a
good example through which we can understand how the Hittite pantheon was gradually formed.
83
a)
For the Hittites (and the other Anatolian populations of the 2nd millennium
who used an Indo-European language) Fate was not “what has been said,”
Latin fātum. It was “what has been marked, engraved,” gulš-, for each individual. This idea is in some way similar to Greek moîra “lot” (Latin has mereo “to
merit” from the same root).
The idea that thread may metaphorically represent life, attested to by a Hittite
ritual, was not an Indo-European heritage, as for the Greek, Latin and NorthEuropean cultures. This came, instead, from the Hattians, who settled in Central Anatolia before the Hittites.
This reduces the chance of shared Indo-European traditions being documented
by the Hittites.
The years may be weighed (as Zeus did with the destiny of the humans, Hom.
Il. 22, 209-212), KBo 21.22 Vs. 18-20: kāša GIŠ.ÉRIN karpiyemi nu Labarnaš
taluqauš MUḪI.A-uš ušneškimi kāša GIŠ.ÉRIN karpiyemi n-ašta
MUNUS
Tawanannaš taluqauš MUḪI.A-uš ušneškimi “Lo, I pick up a scale and put
up for weighing the long years of Labarna; lo, I pick up a scale and put up for
weighing the long years of Tawananna” (HED K, 92). The action of weighing
had the meaning of proving and reaffirming the value of goods, as in KUB
24.12 III 4-25, where precious goods put on a scale are offered to a deity in
substitution because of the king’s health (Taracha 2000, 90–93).
b)
Išdustaya and Papaya were the Hattic Fate-goddesses. A Hittite ritual (with
Hattic background) presents the two goddesses creating the thread of fate. They
were the “infernal (i.e. belonging to the Netherworld) primeval goddesses, the
daughter-in-laws (perhaps because related to Lelwani),” katterreš karūelēš
DINGIRMEŠ kūšeš. They belonged to that group of Hattic gods for which an-
Haas 1994, 372 f.
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Alfonso Archi
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cient and complex rituals were performed to celebrate the new year, to favour
the rebirth of nature. One of the symbolically most important acts was the substitution of the “Old Year” and the “hunting bag,” KUŠkursa- (a kind of cornucopia), with the “New Year” and a new “hunting bag.”
Išdustaya and Papaya appear in only a few other documents. The Hittite ritual
which included the narration of the Telepinu Myth (a Middle Hittite redaction
with the mythologem of the disappearing god, probably of Hattic origin) lists
these goddesses beside the Hittite deities of prosperity and Fate-goddesses: the
Gulšeš. This is a cumulative process: no god with this kind of role or tasks was
to be absent. The important festival KBo 4.13(+) (CTH 625), celebrated at
Hattuša is, instead, a late redaction which includes god-lists of different periods
and traditions. Išdustaya and Papaya (together with the Hattic dyad Tašammat
and Tašimmet) are included in the first section representing a cosmogonic order
with Hurrian traits.
The attribute “primeval,” karuili-, “perhaps literally ‘at dawn,’ and thus ‘primordially,’”84 is well-suited to the Fate-goddesses. The formula kattereš šiuneš
(DINGIRMEŠ) “inferior, infernal” also qualifies the earlier gods who live in
Earth, tagnaš šiuneš, as opposed to “the gods of Heaven,” according to the Hurrian pantheon. Here, the influence of the Babylonian culture (the Anunnakū,
A.NU(N).NA.KE4) is clear. The Hattic-Hittite “inferior” gods did not belong
instead to an older generation but made up the lower section of a system that
made an inner distinction between “gods of Heaven and gods of Earth (the
Netherworld).”85
It is well-known that the Hittite dynasty assimilated the gods and festivals of
the preceding Hattic rulers when the capital was moved to Ḫattuša. The Hattic
Sun-goddess Eštan (Hittite Ištanu), called also Arinnit(i/u) “she of Arinna”
from her major cult-place, and Wurunšemu “Mother(?) of the Earth,” became
the major deity of the pantheon. The Storm-god Taru was assimilated to the
corresponding Hittite god, Tarḫuna, Luwian Tarḫunt(a) “the Mighty.” Minor
deities, such as Išdustaya and Papaya, survived in the Hattic cults relating to
kingship and the exercise of power. For daily requirements, instead, the other
gods were called upon: those of Hittite tradition like the Gulšeš.
Išdustaya and Papaya were not assimilated with the Gulšeš as they were strongly characterised by their specific, original cults. Lelwani too, the first deity of
the pantheon of the ḫešta-house, maintained her individual nature and was not
assimilated with any Hittite-Hurrian deity. The Hurrian goddess of the Netherworld, “the Bolt of the Earth,” was Allani, whose name was expressed also
84
85
HED K, 114.
Laroche 1974; Archi 1990. For the Hurrian karuileš deities to be drawn from Earth, see, e. g., KUB
7.41 I 45-52, see Otten 1961, 120; KBo 17.94 III 27-28, see Haas – Wegner 1988, 354 (no. 77).
The Gulšaš received also the epithet karuiliš, KBo 20.82 II 3, 29 (CTH 434).
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The Anatolian Fate-Goddesses and their Different Traditions
17
with the Sumerogram EREŠ.KI.GAL. For this reason, the Hittites chose
ALLATUM (an Akkadian derivative from Hurrian allai “lady,” used in Syria
and transmitted also to Babylonia) as the allogram for Lelwani. Some god lists
have both Lelwani/ALLATUM and Allani/EREŠ.KI.GAL, showing that they
were two different goddesses.86
86
c)
The Hittite Gulšeš determined each individual’s fate from the moment of birth
and, consequently, were often associated with Ḫannaḫanna and the
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ, the Mother-goddess(es), who helped women in labour.
In Hittite society, these two groups of goddesses belonged to the private sphere.
A passage in the birth ritual KUB 30.29 is significant on this point: “To the
gods the allotments are given. The Sun-goddess in Arinna has seated herself,
and (the Throne-goddess) Ḫalmašuit in Ḫarpiša likewise, ... KAL in Karaḫna
likewise, the awesome Telepinu in Tawiniya likewise, ... But Ḫannaḫanna there
did not remain a place; so for her, mankind remained (as) a place” (Vs. 9-15).
Gulšeš and Mother-goddess(es) were close to the needs of the family and the
individual; therefore, they appear in rituals more frequently than other gods of
the official cult.
This Mother-goddess (often in the plural) was not a continuation of the Anatolian “Great Mother”: a concept constructed by J. J. Bachofen and which has enjoyed great success but which finds no justification in the documentation. The
relationship earth-mother-fecundity, so widespread in ancient cultures, never
produced a Great Goddess in the Mediterranean or Near East which can be historically identified. The maternal archetype, which is a “primordial image” of
the psyche according to Carl Gustav Jung, gave origin to several divine representations, with different rank in each pantheon.
d)
Ḫutena and Ḫutellura are two groups of goddesses who derive their name from
the verb ḫut(e/i) “to favour.” The Ugaritic lists equate them with the seven
Kotharāt “the Skilled” (Akk. Šassūrātu from šassūru “womb,” a loan-word
from Sumerian), the goddesses who fostered conception and pregnancy until
birth. The documents from Mari and Emar show that these goddesses were
known throughout northern Syria, at least from the Amorrite period on. It is,
therefore, quite possible that they contributed in forming the nature of Ḫutena
and Ḫutellura, a process which can also be documented for other Hurrian deities who found counterparts in the Semitic cultures of Syria (first of all Teššub
Torri 1999, 64–72 and 79–113, has shown that Lelwani/ALLATUM and Allani/EREŠ.KI.GAL were
two distinct goddesses of the Netherworld, one belonging to the Hattic-Hittite cult, the other to the
Hurrian-Hittite one (see also Yoshida 1996, 50). Lelwani was considered a female deity at least
from the time of Ḫattušili III on. There are, however, some data which show that Lelwani was originally a male god, Torri 1999, 53–57.
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Alfonso Archi
18
and his consort Ḫebat). Perhaps, the idea that the Gulšeš created human beings
(according to rituals of Hurrian origin) is derived from the ability ascribed to
the Kotharāt to form the child in pregnancy; an ability transmitted to Ḫutena
and Ḫutellura, and from them to one of their Hittite equivalents: the
DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ and the Gulšeš.
Ḫutena and Ḫutellura are present, as midwives, at Ullikummi's birth. They
were, therefore, above all, birth goddesses (like the Parcae; cfr. Latin parēre “to
assist”). The Hittite version (which translates the names of the Hurrian gods,
when possible), has both Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ. The use to have these
two groups of goddesses often together in festivals and rituals may derive also
from the fact that Gulšeš and DINGIR.MAḪMEŠ are the usual translation for
Ḫutena and Ḫutellura, and occur frequently in the Hurrianized documents.
ADDENDUM
At the Eigth International Congress of Hittitology (Warsaw, 5-9 September 2011).
Willemijn Waal has suggested that DGUL-ša- should be red DKuwanša-, not DGulša- /
D
Gulza(nnika/nzipa)-. This is hardly possible because DKuwanša- is usually preceded
by DWaškuwattašši- (van Gessel 276), what is not the case of DGUL-ša-. Moreover, the
root kulš-, kulz- is attested in the name-giving already from the Assyrian period.
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19
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANET2
AOAT
AoF
BMECCJ 4
CHD
CTA
CTH
DBH
HED
IndogermF
JCS
KBo
KUB
MARI
Or.
J.B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 2nd ed., Princeton, New Jersey
1955.
Alter Orient und Altes Testament, Kevelaer - Neukirchen -Vluyn.
Altorientalische Forschungen, Berlin 1974 ff.
H. I. H. Prince Takahito Mikasa (ed.), Essays on Ancient Anatolian and Syrian
Studies in the 2nd and 1st Millennium B. C. (Bulletin of the Middle Eastern Culture Center on Japan, 4), Wiesbaden.
The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of Chicago, Chicago 1980 ff.
Herdner, Andrée, Corpus des tablettes en cunéiformes alphabétiques, Paris 1963.
Laroche, Emmanuel, Catalogue des textes hittites, Paris 1971.
Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie, Dresden / Wiesbaden 2002 ff.
J. Puhvel, Hittite Etymological Dictionary, Berlin - New York - Amsterdam 1984
ff.
Indogermaniche Forschungen, Berlin.
Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Cambridge, MA
Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi, Leipzig/Berlin 1916 ff.
Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi, Berlin 1921 ff.
MARI. Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires, Paris 1982 ff.
Orientalia. (Nova Series), Roma 1931 ff.
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Alfonso Archi
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OrAnt
RlA
SMEA
UF
Oriens Antiquus. Roma 1962 ff.
Reallexikon der Assyriologie, Berlin 1928-1938; 1957 ff.
Studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici, Roma 1966 ss.
Ugarit-Forschungen. Internationales Jahrbuch für die Altertumskunde SyrienPalästinas, Kevelaer - Neukirchen-Vluyn 1969 ff.
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