Contemporary Identity
Contemporary Identity
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Jolanta Kociuba,
Maria Curie-Sklodowska University,
Poland
CONTEMPORARY IDENTITY NATIONAL, TRANS-CULTURAL,
GLOBAL OR INDIVIDUALISTIC?
The category identity is a factor describing different levels of the
organization of social life and the phenomena of various ranges, as identity is not
reserved for an individual but is also a feature of other systems: social groups,
institutions and any other whole of certain systemic property or function.
Bokszaski (2005) indicates that with relation to the dynamics of change in
traditional forms of social life and the creation of new communities, social
movements, political, economic or cultural groups, a new definition of collective
identity was formed. The notion refers to the category of individual identity, the
category that emphasizes the subjectivity of a social actor and the significance of
self-definition in his/her actions (ibid. p. 62). Sociological publications note the
whole range of identity terms referring to the community (ibid. p. 59). These terms
are the following: ethnic identity, social identity, cultural identity, religious
identity, national identity, gender identity, European identity, the identity of a
social movement and after-modern identity.
In sociology, the term identity appeared not only as a new category that
serves the purpose of explaining the phenomena related to new worldviews,
lifestyles, political orientations or social movements. It proved necessary to
implement the term identity of an individual and the research of the sociology of
ego (Kaufmann, 2004) as a new notional instrument in an over-sociologized
conception of a human. Consequently, the identity of a social actor becomes an
indispensible supplement to the notional instrumentarium of sociology
(Bokszaski, op. cit., p. 9).
The conception of collective identities in sociology also emphasises the
subjectivity of the community, therefore it employs the idea of subjectivity to the
community and underlines the activities and attitudes undertaken by the
community. Classic sociological theory used demographic, economic and
geopolitical categories, not the categories of subjectivity. Currently, the altered
psychosocial situation of an individual, i.e. increasing significance of its
subjectivity as a social change factor exerted noticing the subjectivity of the
collective actor (ibid. p. 50). In the present society, the determination / creaton of
a social actor, both individual and group, became an important process.
The notion of identity conceptualization of dynamism
f contemporary social phenomena
The notion of identity allows for comprehensive analysis of contemporary
dynamism of social phenomena (Bokszaski, op. cit.). It introduces the perspective
of subjectivity which takes the self-awareness of contemporary society into
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identity within the framework of wider identity, i.e. within new, wider entirety. An
individual must rebuild a new sense as an individual within a new entirety and
within local identity (Synak, op. cit., p. 251). This new identity may be defined as
glocalisational and be understood as a resultant of two processes. The revival of
identity-based cultures (local, i.e. ethnic, regional, national and family-wide) is
observed. These cultures adapt to the realities of social environment which is
formed by the processes of globalization.
In the field of identity (also in Poland?), there is certain dialectics that is
based, among other factors, on the existence of two contradictory trends: along
with globalization and broadening the identity (as a result of making contacts with
different cultures and civilizations, e.g. the appearance of supranational identity in
Europe), its differentiation and limiting to local context can be observed (e.g. Scots
consider themselves Scottish, rather than British by nationality). Huntington
writes: The issue seems to look similar in Poland. Joining the European Union
strengthened, not weakened, national identity among Poles (Huntington 2007, p.
26). The similarity seems only apparent. In Poland, the reinforcement of national
identity resulted from satisfying the ambition to join united Europe, while in
Scotland, for instance (Lombardy, Catalonia or the Basque country), Scottish
identity has been rooted in European identity. Scots are certain of their
Europeanism, therefore, they can afford the luxury of Scottish identity, while
Poles have a feeling of being inferior or younger Europeans, that is why the
foundations of their identity is being Polish, rather than being European. In other
words: in Poland, European identity arises from Polish identity, and in Scotland,
Scottish identity arises from European one.
The stage at which Western European countries are might be defined as
post-identification stage (Jan Pawe II, 2005, p. 91). This means that such countries
are at the stage after being shaped by the culture of identity and have reached the
unity of internal elements (languages, tribes). While defining their own identity,
gradual come-out beyond national categories takes place (this type may be called
supranational identity). The nations of Western Europe are not afraid of losing
their identity (e.g. by the fact of joining European Union). However, the history of
Polish national identity is much more complex and shows how Piast Polishness
which was a unifying force that bounded the multiplicity of tribes was substituted
by Jagiellonian framework of Polishness. Its multiplicity and pluralism allowed for
the formation of the republic of many nations, cultures and religions (ibid. p. 92)
Differentiation of identities
Globalization tendencies in a world-wide range overlap with destabilization
of social, economic and political situation and generate difficulties in selfidentification of individuals and groups. Presently, the transformation of mentality
takes place in Poland (Grotowska, 2007, p. 120). National, family, religious or
gender identities are regarded much higher than European or global identity.
Certain changes are visible within cultural identity. For example, young people
distance themselves from cultural self-identification that is measured by weak
attachment to national traditions only. On the other hand, the tendencies appear to
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seek the forms of distinction at all costs in order to preserve and develop ones
own tradition, language, culture and music.
Dariusz Niedwiedzki (2007, p. 79) writes on social identity created as a
result of political transformation in Poland. Due to the shift of political, economic
and cultural system, specific identity schemes are created. They are based on
forming heterogeneous self-contradictory identity that is suspended between the
old and the new system, based on contradictory axiological and structural
elements of the old and the new order (ibidem, p. 87). Such self-identification,
which is called liminal, i.e. border or transitory, does not concern all Poles. It uses
dual system of values, perceives the world in a dichotomous way (rich and poor,
society and power) and is dominated by the orientation for the presence.
The crisis of national identity
Contemporary identity seems to be built on the basis of the nation and
culture, rather than the state and its institutions. According to Huntington, the
discussions on national identity have become an omnipresent sign of the times
(Huntington, op. cit., p. 25). The author considers the crises of national identity,
present in many European, Asian, African and American countries to be a
worldwide phenomenon. Huntington lists neither Poland nor the majority of
European countries. (Apart from the United States, he lists Japan, Iran, South
Africa, China, Taiwan, Syria, Brazil. Canada, Denmark, Turkey, Russia, Mexico,
Germany and Great Britain). According to Huntington, universality and
simultaneousness of the appearance of these crises in many countries imply
common factors such as global economy, communication, transport, migration,
expansion of democracy, the end of cold war and communism, modernization
(modernity, pluralism, multiculturalism, globalization of cultures), economic
development and urbanization. The presence of these factors in Poland is beyond
discussion, yet they did not impair national identity in our country. Therefore,
other factors responsible for strong national identity need to be searched for, or our
national identity is explainable on the basis of the conglomeration or proportion of
factors. National identity is a derivative identity whose strength origins from
other sources and includes a number of components: territorial, attributive (race,
ethnic group), cultural (religion, language), political (state, ideology) and
sometimes also economic (agriculture) or social (networks) (ibidem, p. 38). With
reference to two types of national identity: civic (political, revolutionary, rational
and liberal) and ethnic (cultural, tribal and mystical) based upon peasant cultures
and blood relationship (Brubaker, 1998) reminded by Huntington (op. cit., p. 38) it
should be accepted that Poland refers mainly to the latter, ethnic/cultural, type of
identity. According to Anthony D. Smith, ethnic identity (Smith, 1996, p. 98,
Burszta, 2004, p. 149) is a group of people whose members share a common myth
of origin (blood relationship), historic memory, language, cultural role models,
norms, values, behavior and thinking, historic territory which the member of a
community identifies with and which they belong to and the group solidarity based
on common origin, local language, customs and traditions. However, it is
collective memory, sense of belonging and the awareness of values that bind the
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group, the sense of national dignity and uniqueness that have a key meaning for the
group identity. The thesis refers to the criteria of the typology of nations and
national states and analogous criteria of the topology involving the origin and the
existence of individual and group identities. Such a country as Poland is an
example of cultural, rather than ethnic type of nations which derives its existence
and identity from natural factors that are at the foundations of their origin. Identity
is here a function of primary, inherent, biological properties (blood, consanguinity)
and/or socio-cultural (personality, culture, religion, language, tradition), not a
function of collective will of the citizens whose cohesion results from consciously
shared by citizens rules and political institutions (comp. Szwed, 2005, p. 314).
European identity?
The basic and predominant form of the identity of European countries is
national identity. It concerns the countries of both the old and the new Europe.
The sense of relation to ones own country is even twice as strong as the relation to
Europe; moreover, it stays at a constant level. The surveys by Eurobarometer from
2002 and 2003 confirm this thesis . Therefore, the category of Europeaness has not
gained significance, even in the countries in which strong identification with
Europe exists, such as Germany and France. It turns out that identification with
Europe does not imply the decrease of the level of national or local identity in the
society. On the contrary, higher sense of local identity implies higher sense of
belonging to Europe.
Therefore, national identity has not finished. It was substituted by
cosmopolitan or civic identity. Despite the efforts of euro-enthusiasts, as a result of
objective processes of reorganizations in the socio-political sphere, the drift
towards European identity has not occurred. The so called European identity
seems to be an idea generated by European elites (comp. ibidem, p. 314). Despite
the existence of the policy of identity, whose aim was to redefine the sphere of
individual and group identifications, there has not been a dramatic slump of
national identity in favour of a form of supranational identity. It seems that the
process of the transformation of group identities in Europe does follow the
scenario proposed by Gerard Delanty (1999 and 2000). Delanty constructed three
models of European identity, which may become a basis for building a new group
identity in Europe. The first model of European heritage is based on universal
values, philosophical and legislative achievements and culture. The second one is a
model of identification with European institutions, norms, public and legal order.
The third one is a model of pragmatic identity, concentrated around the practical
way of life. None of these theoretical models of new European identity has gained
appreciation and significance. After transformation processes in Eastern Europe
and changes in Western Europe, around 40% of Europeans have still been
declaring national type as the only kind of their identity.
European, cosmopolitan identity, as an exceptional category of social
identifications is a rarely recognized type of identity (comp. ibidem, p. 336).
Therefore, even the observers of social life draw attention to the occurring
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a process of individuation, the construction of ones own sense. The roles (being a
mother, daughter, worker, believer and a smoker at the same time) are defined
from outside, and the identities from the inside, from the subject. Some
definitions may coincide with social roles, e.g. if being a mother is the most
important form of self-definition, from a point of view of a given person, however
identities are stronger sources of sense than roles because they cover the processes
of defining the self and individualization. In short, identities organize the sense,
while roles organize functions. The sense is understood as a symbolic
identification of the objectives of a social actor, organized around the basic
identity, which is the identity that constitutes the framework for other identities
and which sustains itself in time and space (comp. ibidem, p. 23). Castells
approach makes reference to the understanding of identity by Erik Erikson,
although it is concentrated on a group, rather than an individual identity.
According to Castells from the sociological perspective, all identities are
constructed (ibid. 23). To construct identities, the materials from history,
geography, biology, production and reproduction facilities, group and individual
memories, the apparatus of power and religious revelations are used as building
blocks (ibid).
The types of identity construction process
Castells lists three types of the process of identity construction. The first
type legitimizing identity forms a civic society and rationalizes the sources of
structural domination. It is implemented by dominating institutions. The second
type of identity is the identity of resistance, which leads to the creation of the
communities (or community societies). This may be the most important type of
identity formation in our society (ibidem, p. 24). This identity is formed by those
who are in an inferior position, who are stigmatized and devaluated, who are
excluded by the dominant social actors. This is building a defensive identity in the
categories of dominant institution/ideology by reversing the apprising judgement
and strengthening the boundaries, at the same time (ibidem, p. 25). It seems that in
the present times, societies are getting divided and they collapse into societiestribes, constituted by a number of resistance identities. Castells calls this type of
identity formation, quite rightly, the exclusion of the excluding by the excluded.
The expressions of this phenomenon are according to Castells religious
fundamentalism, territorial societies, nationalistic movements or self-slandering in
certain gay movements. Social change is politicized in this way and the policy if
identity that Calhoun writes about emerges (ibidem, p. 23).
The third type of identity formation called a project identity is a further
chain of resistance and appears when individuals and communities build a new
identity on the basis of the available cultural materials, redefine their position in
the society and transform the whole social structure as an extension of their own
project of identity. Building the identity is thus a project of a different life, based
on the oppressed identity (e.g. the identity of women). Castells gives an example of
a post-patriarchal society in which feminism leaves the entrenchment of resistance
created by female identity and questions patriarchal family but also sexuality,
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personality, the structure of production on which the society was based so far.
Project identity in a web society (unlike in a civic society) derives from the group
resistance, if it appears at all (ibidem, p. 26). Castells points out earlier that ...webbased society is grounded on a systemic separation of what is local from what is
global for most of individuals (ibid.). In new conditions, civic societies shrink and
collapse because there is no continuum between the logic of executing power and
the logic of affiliation and representation in particular societies and cultures. The
quest for sense happens in the situation of rebuilding defensive identities around
shared rules.
Castells analyses social movements of various social and cultural
backgrounds which, in the name of their constituted identities, question
contemporary processes of globalization and object social, economic, cultural and
environmental effects of globalization. These social movements are based on an
identity and started as resistance movements. Even though, each of the movements
discussed by Castells is based on different rule of identity (comp. ibidem, p. 151).
Hybrid and mosaic identity type
A new type of identity in contemporary society (apart from national and
European), which appeared in the last few years, is a hybrid identity (bricolage
identity). This identity is formed as a result of hybridizing different cultural
content and mixing them in the cultural melting pot (Kempny, 2000, p. 16). It is
developed as a result of the flow of new cultural models, foreign norms and values
that origin from different cultures and systems. This identity is created in postcivic societies (Marody, 2005) or in the types of communes where us means a
group of people who share common features or objectives, not formed on the basis
of objective belonging to a given category or defined social groups. This type of
identity is also called the type of multi-level identity and has been present since
1993. It assumes that people simultaneously identify themselves with their national
society and European one. However, interesting individual and group differences
may be observed here; they are illustrated by the phrase: We the Polish people but
me European.
Another type of identity is a mosaic identity which has been present in the
communications of Euronet since 2003. It is an identity of choice, noncomprehensive, impermanent that is a creation of reaction on the present situation
and an interaction resulting from an internal dialog. This type of identity seems to
be the product of globalization, universality and the result of free of strict norms
flow of people and goods, a consequence of individual choices, finally it
transcends local and national conditions.
Within this type if identity one may talk about professional (occupational)
identity. However, it is not a durable prototype of identity and it loses with
cultural programming of an individual reared in a given national culture. Cultural
identity is increasingly strong and persistent than the identity of role, function,
profession or even occupation (Magala, 2005, p. 209). Within the framework of
professional identity, two other identities appear: double and multiple (e.g. a
sociologist, economist and therapist) and along with an institutional identity (e.g. a
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dean of many years standing) there are partial and temporary identities (e.g. for a
period of project implementation) (Magala, 2005, p. 191). This evokes an ability to
manoeuvre among identities (Melucci, 1996, p. 53) or the necessity to chisel
identities. Mosaic identity is therefore an identity under construction, rather than
a durable structure identification with oneself and the world.
The question concerning ones own identity is raised by macro-structural
changes, the frequency of changes in social processes and the complexity of new
forms of social life. These processes provoke people to ask themselves continually
about their own identity and form it (Magala, 2005, p. 209). The fiasco o forming
ones own identity, global or even European, forces to accept cultural theory of the
identity by G. Hofstede. (As Magala vividly presents it: Projecting and forming
new identity for whole societies and nations got stuck in the sands of Iraq).
However, cultural identity seems to undergo changes due to the necessity to
compare our identities with other and due to intercultural confrontations.
Moreover, life in the time of late modernity broadens the limits of cultural
identity through the possibility of contact with other lifestyles, new myths and
symbols. It knocks down the borders of group identity (class or national) and
reduces binds to a place. In the society of choice there is not much place left for
strangeness and otherness (comp. Burszta, 2004, p. 88). The temptation to liberate
from group identity is becoming a threat, a particular escape to freedom for the
cost of impairing group identity (Burszta, 2004, p. 176).
The category of complex identities seems adequate to describe the identities
of contemporary people (after Burszta, 2004, p. 176). There is no singular identity
or identity in singular mode, but identities in plural, i.e. complex identities, not the
identity. Thus, a question arises if the lack of a single identity (with the presence of
complex and multiple identities) does not imply the lack of identity at all? Is
complex and impermanent identity that is under construction still an identity or
is it lack of identity? After all, identity is, by definition, something relatively
persistent, defined, what is a condition of similarity to itself and a condition of
distinction from others.
It may be assumed that in contemporary society there are a few levels of
identity (analogous to the levels of culture distinguished by Hofstede (2007, p.
24)). The first level is the level of national identity, the second a level of regional
and religious identity, the third one the level of gender identity, another one is
the level of generation identity, then a level of social class identity related to the
profession and occupation, and the last level of organizational or corporation
identity that is related to the position in their work place.
There are no external, objective points of reference to identity today. The
importance of such attitudes and markers as community, territory, tradition, origin,
race and social class is lower and lower. This new socio-cultural situation resulted
in the increase of the importance of internal, subjective and individual factors in
identity forming. The role of individuals in forming their own identity is presently
higher. The existence of contemporary identities is sustained by individual acts
and self-identification (Appadurai, 2000, p. 237), created and supported by the
media and culture industry.
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of migrating specialist who are influenced by global and local systems. The
presence of these people in virtual reality influences the identification with people
who spend time in a similar way (Bellah, 2007) and weakens the bonds with the
real local community. Nevertheless, in the countries of poor south, identity is still
formed by traditions and people live beyond the network of services in the
cyberspace (comp. Rifkin, 2003, p. 236). Unidentified cultural position of a
contemporary nomad an employee of a multinational corporation, makes him
loosen his bonds with his own cultural pattern and obtains a broader context of
identity references by participation in systems: global, which he works in, and
local, which he origins from.
Broadened context of cultural and identification (identity) references results
in the formation of flexible individual identities. They are adjustable to the
situation and the complexity of the external environment. Identity is no longer
treated as constant and unified but is a variable. In post-modernity, the process of
transition beyond group, national, local and regional identities occurs. Presently,
individual, not collective criteria of identity assessment are predominant. Identity
is not assessed on the basis of group membership but from the perspective of
individual actions of a person.
Postmodern changeability of the world, cultural pluralism and the variety of
social contexts make an individual redefine him/herself and answer the question:
who am I? and who do I want to be? (Budakowska, 2005, p. 62). This is how a
reflexive I emerges. An individual is bound to continuous reconstruction of its
own being (ibid, p. 53) and to giving sense to it. Moreover, an identity makes
choices concerning its identity on the basis of intercultural contacts. It oscillates
between what it inherited and where it is now. Identity formation does not happen
by means of imitation. Social mobility causes a broach in the model of cultural
duplication (ibid, p. 63).
Qualitative changes in identity process are based on breaching and erasing
the identity borders (e.g. in having black skin or being an Indian on the territory of
contemporary metropolis). An individual may have a few cultural affiliations that
characterise him or her as a member of one or another group (ibid, p. 51) or prove
various group identities of immigrants (ibid, p. 52)
It is a serious problem for a citizen of a global village to reconcile
individual, regional and local identity that is based on tradition, territory,
topographic features of the region, its industrial, social and cultural specificity with
global identity in post modern conditions of time and space compression in the
situation of the migration of symbols and people, modern economy and different
systems of values.
Creating a new form of group (collective) identity faces obstacles or is
simply impossible. Unsuccessful, 74-year long attempt to form a new soviet
identity among the citizens of the former USSR or an attempt to form an extranational European identity may be examples. The former seems to be built upon
individualism of particular people and groups, rather than on the basis of universal
values of European culture, such as justice, democracy and freedom. Bauman
(2005, p. 188) claimed that these values, professed by Europeans, define their
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identity. Pomian (2009) posed a thesis on the universality of European culture and
that it is culture to unite the identity of European societies and countries. In our
opinion, this culture and its universal values did not prove to be durable cement of
the integration of Europe and European identification because it was the ideology
of individualism to have won. It is the culture of individualism that is the winner.
What is more, in some countries (presumably, as a result of the increase in the
significance of individualization processes), traditional construction of national
identities strengthened, what is manifested in emergence of nations in such
countries as Great Britain, Belgium, Spain or Canada. National identity, in spite of
unfavourable processes demonstrates its persistence, although there are frequent
examples of cultural identities that contain identification with two national groups.
The specificity of American (national) identity
The awakening after September 11, 2001 caused an increase of the
importance of national identity for Americans, in comparison to other identities (p.
17). The crisis of identity however, became a worldwide phenomenon covering not
only America (Huntington lists as many as 15 nations that found themselves in the
identity crisis) (p. 25). This indicated common factors determining the
phenomenon, such as modernization, economic development globalization,
urbanization and communication progress. There are dialectic processes of
narrowing and broadening identity, fragmentation and globalization, integration
and separation as well as mixing identities (Asians and Latinos in USA, Arabs and
Turks in Western Europe).
The fact that had a decisive and lasting impact on the shape of the American
culture, institution, history and also on American identity was that America is an
Anglo-protestant society, established in 17th and 18th century by settlers from the
British Isles. The settler initially defined America in terms of race, ethnicity,
culture and most importantly religion (Huntington, p. 45). In 18 c. they had to
define America in terms of ideology, in order to justify their independence form
other citizens of their former homeland. These four factors remained a part of
American identity in 19 c. At the end of the century, ethnic ingredient increased by
Germans, the Irish and Scandinavians. Then, up to the ban on mass immigration in
1924, American society assimilated large mass of immigrants from southern and
eastern Europe. Due to this, by the outbreak of World War II, ethnic affiliation had
no longer been a basic ingredient of American national identity. Ethnic affiliation
also lost its significance as an element of identity after the successes of human
rights movement and the enactment of the bill on immigration in 1965. Since
1970s it has been culture and credo that define American identity.
Evolution of American identity
At the end of 20 c. separate elements of this culture/identity began to
change. White English-speaking protestants neighboured with immigrants from
South American and Asia and the manifestation of group identities: ethnic, racial
and sexual was accompanied by the popularity of the doctrines of multiculturalism
and diversity (raised to the rank of a dogma). The erosion of American national
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identity in 1980s and 1990s of 20 c. is also linked to exalting different subnational identities over the national identity and the relation of part of the elites
and interest groups to cosmopolitan and supranational identities. Some elite groups
in America business, financial, intellectual, professional and even governmental
ones were deprived of their national identity (comp., p. 21). The phenomena of
patriotism extinction and devaluation of American citizenship are described.
Higher ethnic and religious awareness, the increase of Hispanic influences has
been slowly transforming America into a bilingual and bicultural society and
facilitates double identity retention (Huntington, op. cit., p. 128 and 129). Will it
be successful to defend American unity as a society based on Christianity and
religious dedication, freedom, equality, the riles of law and the rights of an
individual, on protestant values such as individualism and ethics at workplace?
These are the questions that bother not only the author of the book entitled: Who
are we? In the perspective of Huntingtons analyses, one might put forward a
thesis that possibly it was the ideology of individualism to be the last cement that
bounded the elements of American society if all other elements American identity
no longer exist. Race and ethnic American does not exist any more. Cultural
America is in the stage of siege (ibidem, p. 24). In the future America may be a
mix of four types of identity: ideological, i.e. the America deprived of cultural
historic foundations and unified by the attachment to American rules, the identity
split into two cultures: Anglo-protestant and Hispanic and two languages,
exclusivist identity - redefined by race and ethnic affiliation, excluding any
coloured people from outside Europe and finally cultural identity revitalized
which proves its cultural Anglo-protestant and European cultural roots,
involvement and religious values in the confrontation with the hostile world
(ibidem, p. 12 and 30).
September 11, 2001 Anglo-protestant American culture was attacked, what
brought by the perspective of settling the perspective of American identity on
ideological and political attachment to credo exclusively (comp. ibid, p. 46).
Huntington polemicizes with Robert Bellahas opinion who repeated
Franklin Roosevelts words that all Americans except Indians are immigrants or
immigrants descendants (comp. Ibid, p. 46) maintaining that there is a
fundamental difference between immigrants and settlers. The first communities of
settlers came to America in 1607, 1620 and 1630 because America was a tabula
rasa, i.e. except for Indians there was no other society. Settlers had a common
(not individual as was the case of later immigrants) attitude to the old and the new
homeland. Actually, the term immigrant came into being in the English language
in America in 1790s to distinguish new-comers from the first settlers.
Fundamental culture and American identity is in its core still colonial and is still
the culture of the first settlers whose basic elements are: Christian religion,
Protestant values and morality, the ethics of work, the English language, British
traditions of law and justice, the limitations of the government as well as the
heritage of art, literature, philosophy and music (ibidem, p. 48). The settlers added
the, so called, American credo with its rules of freedom, equality, individualism
representative government and private property. By the end of 20th century it was
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18
but also among young Turks born in Germany or among the Pakistanis in the UK
occurred. At the same time, the collapse of the Soviet Union enabled the
emergence of Islamic movements in the Caucasus and in the Central Asia. A new
identity is formed not only by the return to tradition, communal world where
lacking means of existence masses and disappointed intellectuals can rebuild the
sense in a global alternative against the excluding global order (ibid, p. 35).
Islamic fundamentalism is not a traditionalist movement. Despite all the
exegetical efforts of rooting the Islamic identity in history and holy texts, Islamists
continue to reconstruct the cultural identity which is hypermodern in reality.
Politicisation of the sacred, the sacralisation of politics and conversion of pseudolegal Islamic institutes into social religious rites are all the means of the
implementation of authentic ego policy, the policy of identity, thus the means of
formulation and in essence discovering the identity (ibid, p. 31). The Islamic
identity is, therefore, (re)constructed by fundamentalists in the opposition to
capitalism, socialism and nationalism (Arabic or otherwise), which constitute in
their perception the collapsing ideologies of the postcolonial order (ibid).
Religious fundamentalism (Islamic or Christian) according to Castell's
analyses, in the new millennium, proved to be surprisingly strong and influential as
an identity source. Islamic fundamentalism as a reconstructed identity and a
political project is in the centre of the most crucial process, by and large
conditioning the future of the world (ibid, p. 28). In cultural/ religious/ political;
framework the Islamic identity is built on the principle of double deconstruction:
by public actors and by public institutions. The actors must deconstruct themselves
as subjects, be it an individual or as a part of an ethnic group or as citizens of a
nation. In addition, women must subordinate themselves to their male carers for
they are encouraged to fulfil themselves in the family life. Habermas' principle of
subjectivity constitutes a heresy for Islamic fundamentalists. Only ummah provides
an individual with the ability of being oneself, as a part of a brotherhood of the
true, which is a basic equalising mechanism providing mutual support, solidarity
and shared sense. At the same time, the nation state must negate its identity: an
Islamic state based on Sharia receives precedence over the nation state. Islamic
fundamentalism is a cultural construction based on the propagated priority of the
religious identity (ibid, p. 108).
Religious identity of resistance Al-Kaida
The movement symbolically represented by al-Qaeda is a movement of
other kind- namely, in Castells' opinion- a global movement built around the
definition of an opponent and not around the definition of own identity principles.
The Soviets in Afghanistan, Americans in the Saudi Arabia or Jews in the Palestine
are all opponents. Al-Qaeda is a global terrorist network leading global jihad
against the USA's and its allies' global authority. Castells invokes Kepel from
2003, who having examined several processes concluded that Islamism as a
political power, in fact, failed in the majority of Muslim countries. Kepel argues
that it is due to this fact that radical and terrorist groups emerged, who constitute a
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