Archeology of a Historiographical Construction

I. Contemporary History and the Archeological Method

There are big changes in the way History is done at the turn of the century that we could not
simply ignore. The paradigms that have governed historical and literary study since the
nineteenth century no longer hold unquestioned sway.1 Nineteenth century History saw the
professionalization of historical studies by emphasizing its scientific status. Historians of this
period enjoyed optimism of the methodologically controlled research of professionalized
sciences the makes objective knowledge possible. However, they overlooked the extent to
which their research rested on assumptions that practically predetermines their work. As
Hayden White pointed out, that while historical narrative proceeds from empirically validated
facts or events, it necessarily requires imaginative steps to place them in a coherent story.2
History therefore acquires a fictional character. Nineteenth century history tried to distance
itself from the older literary traditions nevertheless it continued shared with it three basic
presumptions. 1.) Both embrace a correspondence theory of truth. 2.) Both presuppose that
human actions reflect the intentions of the actors therefore making it a necessary element in
weaving the historical story. 3.) Both adhere to the diachronic conception of time, that is,
later events follow earlier ones in a coherent sequence.3

There are at least two different orientations in historical discipline that could be found in the
twentieth century.4 The first concerns the shift or at least the attempt to shift from a narrative
event oriented history to a social science oriented forms of historical research and writing.
From Annales-school to Marxist class analysis, the fundamental assumptions like agency of
individuals and elements of intentionality of the traditional historiography were challenged
though not necessarily abandoned. Despite the objection of Ranke against a universal scheme
of history, social science historians continued to believe that history of the modern era moved
in a clear direction presupposing a unilinear time. The second orientation came from the
reaction of historians in France, Belgium, the United States, Scandinavia and Germany
against Rankean history and called for a social and economic history. The context that Ranke
addressed has significantly changed. Democratization and the emergence of a mass society
called for a historiography that would consider the broader segments of the population and
their conditions. Particularly after 1945 the systematic social sciences began to play an active
role in the work of historians.

1
Gabriel Spiegel is an American historian of medieval France and the current Krieger-Eisenhower Professor of
History at The Johns Hopkins University where she served as Chair for the history department for six years. See
G. SPIEGEL, History, historicism and the social logic of the text in the Middle Ages in The Post Modern
History Reader, ed. K. JENKINS, London, 2006, 180.
2
See H. WHITE, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Baltimore, The
Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973.
3
A quick perusal of the novelty of twentieth century historiography in contrast with the nineteenth century is
available in a concise work of Georg Iggers.. See G. G. IGGERS, Historiography in the Twentieth Century.
From Scientific Objectivity to the Postmodern Challenge, Middletown, Wesleyan University Press, 1997, 3.
Iggers is a historian of modern Europe, historiography, and European intellectual history. He is a distinguished
Professor Emeritus at the University of Buffalo. He is particularly known for history of history writing.
4
See G. G. IGGERS, Historiography in the Twentieth Century. From Scientific Objectivity to the Postmodern
Challenge, 4-5.

1
History, in more recent years, has moved to epistemic and methodological pluralism.5 The
power and popularity of literary theory, linguistic analysis, and its related forms of theoretical
address are the mainly responsible.6 Critics have taken a serious blow on the once confident
humanist tradition that a rational and "objective" investigation of the past can produce
"authentic meanings" of historical text.

At stake in this debate are a number of concepts traditionally deployed by

historians in their attempts to understand the past: causality, change, authorial
intent, stability of meaning, human agency and social determination. What place,
then, does history have in a postmodern theoretical climate? What, if anything, can
the historian contribute to the reconfiguration of both theoretical concerns and
interpretative practices signaled by the very notion of postmodernism?7

Whereas the previous order was an empire builder, Michel de Certeau claims that the
historian nowadays prefer "to circulate about acquired rationalization of the past."8 The usual
practice of “going to the archives” as an unwritten law in history is recently being replaced.
If the archives used to be the central locus of the discipline where a historian gather the
rarities in order to produce a synthesis, the contrary is now true. Historians today, begin with
the formalization of the present in order to give occasion to the remainders of the past.

In prior historiography, the archivist was concerned with designing the schemes
that would apply to and comprehend a totality. (The historian once held a realm or
an empire.) Today, students of the past cultivate analytical methods that enable
them to discern motivations that change over time. They now practice methods
rather than keeping watch over a single area of study. Contemporary
historiography deals with unconscious relations that inform objects and practices;
it takes up areas formerly consigned to silence or set outside the farm of the given
disciplines9

This flight from "reality" to language is not simply a literary problem. It is predominantly
philosophical in nature following the impulses of what scholars call the linguistic turn, which
produced evolutionary ripples to the discipline of history.10 Aside from proposing that the
solution to philosophical problems could be found in language, it was also a critique of the
traditional philosophy or methodology employed in different social sciences. Hilary Putnam
puts this particular movement in a descriptive nutshell:

(T)he traditional account suggests that finding our that someone has a concept is
finding out that he has a particular mental representation, and finding out that two
people have the same concept is finding out that they have identical mental
presentations...

5
G. STEINMETZ, Introduction, Positivism and Its Others in The Politics of Method in the Human Sciences,
Positivism and Its Epistemological Others, ed. G. Steinmetz, London, Duke University Press, 2005, 22.
6
See G. ELEY, Is All The World A Test From Social History to the History of Society Two Decades Later in
Practicing History, New Directions in Historical Writing After the Linguistic Turn, ed. G. SPIEGEL, New
York, Routledge, 2005, 41-42. Geoff Eley is a British-born Professor of History at the University of Michigan
specializing in German history of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
7
G. SPIEGEL, 180.
8
M. DE CERTEAU, L’Ecriture de l’histoire, Paris, 1975, English trans. The Writing of History, trans. T.
CONLEY, New York 1998, 79.
9
T. CONLEY, Translator’s Introduction in The Writing of History, New York, 1998, xi.
10
See R. RORTY, The Linguistic Turn, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1992, 374.

2
(W)e have followed one reason for upgrading the importance of language in
philosophy. Concepts and ideas were always thought important; language was
though unimportant, because it was considered to be merely a system of
conventional signs for concepts and ideas (considered as mental entities of some
kind, and quite independent of the signs to express them.) But today it seems
doubtful that concepts and ideas can be thought of as mental events or objects (as
opposed to abilities and even more doubtful that they are independent of all
11
signs.

The publication in 1916 of Ferdinand de Saussure's Course in General Linguistics and the
successive emergence of structuralism, semiotics and post-structuralism especially in its
deconstructionist guise paved way for new interpretative approaches. Language is anterior to
the world it describes for this language-model epistemology. Language is no longer a
reflection of the world (mimetic) rather it constitutes the world (generative). This "reality"
that we perceive is in fact socially constructed or an effect of the particular language systems
we live in. 12 Reality does not exist beyond the reach of language. As a consequence,
literature, which was once considered a linguistic utterance that reflects the world, is now
considered as merely another articulation for language or discourse. H. White problematized
the boundaries between humanities and social sciences by concluding that the social sciences
are also dependent upon narratives and rhetorical strategies even if they are bound by strict
scientific methodology, mounting therefore a challenge to the "objectivist" theory.13 Derrida
and De Man radicalized the same challenge by focusing no longer simply on authorial
intention and the singular attainable meaning of text but to the endless disclosure of meanings
of a given text. Rather than understanding what the text means, it would be fruitful to
understand how it "works".14

Keith Jenkins provides us with a useful summary of the evolving perspectives in history
owing to the impact of the linguistic turn. He distinguishes two articulations of the discipline
under question. History articulated in the upper case (History) is "a way of looking at the past
in terms which assigned to contingent events and situations an objective significance by
identifying their place and function within a general schema of historical development
usually construed as appropriately progressive."15 For Jenkins, this first type of history has
collapsed. History in the lower case (history) is "the version of history that most of us will
have been brought up with. Still ensconced within the universities and other academic
institutions, this way of regarding the past (as the study of the past for its own sake.) as
distinctive from the study of the past explicitly for the sake of the bourgeoisie or the
proletariat."16 For a while, as a consequence, historians were caught up so to speak in
between the History and history. Both upper and lower case histories are both metahistorical
constructions or in other words, both are arbitrary ways of drawing the field. They are both
theories of the past suggesting how the past is to be appropriated. Now, Jenkins proposes that
11
Hilary Whitehall Putnam (July 31, 1926 – March 13, 2016) was an American philosopher, mathematician,
and computer scientist, and a major figure in analytic philosophy in the second half of the 20th century. He
made significant contributions to philosophy of mind, philosophy of language, philosophy of mathematics, and
philosophy of science. At the time of his death, Putnam was Cogan University Professor Emeritus at Harvard
University. See H. PUTNAM, Language and Philosophy, in Mind, Language, and Reality, Philosophical Papers
2, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1975, 8, 14.
12
G. SPIEGEL, 181.
13
G. ELEY, 42.
14
G. ELEY, 42-43.
15
K. JENKINS, Introduction, The Postmodern History Reader, London, ed. K. JENKINS, 2006, 5
16
K. JENKINS, 6.

3
both constructions of history are currently under attack by postmodern critiques. It should be
remembered how J. F. Lyotard defined postmodernism as "incredulity towards
metanarratives". It means grand narratives (overarching philosophies of history like the
Enlightenment story of reason and freedom or Marx's drama of the forward march of human
capacities via class conflict) are a priori impositions on the past rather than being based on
the "objective facts".17 Initially, practitioners of lower case history which claimed for a time
the title "proper history" thought that postmodern critiques targeted only the upper case
history. Soon they found out how it cuts through lower case history as well.

Gregory McLennan argues that most "proper historians" employ both realism and empiricism
as the basis of their "discipline". These historians claim that they are describing an existing
reality rather than constructing it and that the reality described in their accounts, through the
process of interrogating their sources, eventually become historical facts. 18 What is the
problem in empiricism? Mclenann argues that empiricism is not realism. Empiricism cannot
account for the significance it gives to the selection, distribution and weighting of "the facts"
in finished narratives.19 Many if not most historians subscribe to some brand of empiricism,
that is the belief in a knowable past, whose structures and processes are deciphered through
documentary representation, conceptual and political appropriations, historiographical
discourse that constructs them. In the light of these developments in History, it would now be
naive to accept this school of thought in a whole scale.

Unsubscribing to the correspondence theory of truth would not mean history becoming
arbitrary or the historian could concoct any document to support his theory. It could simply
be acknowledged that historical knowledge works by posing, re-posing and displacing
questions and not by hoarding evidences.20 Historical facts come up not on its own but
depending on the questions raised by the historian or the scholar. Stedman Jones wrote in
1976:

History like any other social science is a entirely an intellectual operation which
takes place in the present and in the head and the fact that the past in some sense
'happened' is not of primary significance since the past is in no sense
synonymous with history.21

This emphasis therefore of these recent trends in history is on the capacity of the historian to
pose the appropriate questions on the available evidence. The soundness of historical
knowledge no longer resides solely on some truth in general or how the archive can act as of
court of evidence but on the appropriateness, adequacy and coherence of the problem raised.
This approach proves to be empowering in one sense. Its revelation of nonfixity of meaning
makes the social and political definitions and theories prone to challenge and questioning.
What is quite disabling however with this approach is that the task of the historian is reduced
to a more or less elaborate forms of historiographical critique, that is, "history not as the

17
Ibid., 7.
18
Ibid., 9.
19
Ibid., 10.
20
G. ELEY, 46.
21
Gareth Stedman Jones is a British academic and historian. He is Professor of the History of Ideas at Queen
Mary, University of London. See G. S. JONES, From Historical Sociology to Theoretical History in British
Journal of Sociology, 27, 1976, 295 -305.

4
archival reconstruction of what happened but as the continuous contest over how the past is
approached or invoke."22

This study attempts to navigate through these bold demands and theories after the linguistic
turn with great caution by drawing inspiration from their challenges to the dominant and
existing paradigm. Given the crossroads before us, this study cannot pretend to go on with the
usual empirical business of history while neglecting the evolving trends in methods and
epistemological theories. This research acknowledges the advantages of pluralism rather than
pursuing a singular and distinct for of historical knowledge. What we find very useful in
undermining the materialist approach in history in favor of linguistic analysis is the method
employed by Michel Foucault.

The Archeological Method of Foucault

Foucault is best known for his archeological method in doing history. Foucault calls his new
historical method an 'archeology' to designate a kind of impersonal, objective historical
analysis that replaces the interpretation of history with a rigorous and detailed description of
historical discourse. His premise is that the systems of thought (episteme) and knowledge
(discursive formations) are governed by rules, beyond those of grammar and logic, that
operate beneath the consciousness of individual subjects. These rules delineate a system of
conceptual possibilities that determines the boundaries of thought in a given domain and
period.

Archeological analysis seeks to describe the history of discourse, the set of 'things
said' in all its interrelations and transformations. These processes occur at a very
specific level, which is neither the level of the events of history, nor the level of a
teleological 'progress' of ideas, nor the level of an accumulation of formal
knowledge, nor the level of the popular or unspoken 'spirit of the times.' The
analysis of discourse abandons all preconceptions about historical unity or
continuity, describing instead the processes of discourse in all their disruptions,
23
thresholds, differences, and complex varieties.

The hope and the labor of historians before was how to reconcile different systems of
interpretations in such a way that they would arrive at a unified explanation of all. The
method of Foucault encourages historians to look for the complex manifestations of the
differences.

"History, in its traditional form, undertook to "memorize" the monuments of the

past, (to) transform them into documents... in our time, history is that which
transforms documents into monuments...There was a time archeology, as a
discipline devoted to silent monuments...aspired to the condition of history...in our
time history aspires to the condition of archeology, to the intrinsic description of
the monument."24

History would usually make use of artifacts by extracting them from the field and impose its
interpretation on them thereby transforming "monuments into documents." The presumption

22
G. ELEY, 45.
23
See http://m.sparknotes.com/philosophy/arch/summary.html
24
M. FOUCAULT, Paris, 1972, English trans., The Archeology of Knowledge, trans. A.M. SHERIDAN
SMITH, London and New York, Routledge, 1989, 7-8.

5
was that the past was the embryonic form of the present and the future, unchanging and
therefore retrievable. By archeology, Foucault meant an intellectual excavation that would
enable the “archeologist” to describe the artifacts as they appear and as they are found in
relation to other ratifications in the same archeological layer. By following this method, it
does not ignore the uniqueness of the artifact nor blur the borders separating different
archeological layers. Its aim is to make the differences visible.25What separates therefore the
method of Foucault to the traditional forms of philosophy and history is his rejection of a
unified subject of knowledge. Rather than focusing on what was known (history) or why
knowledge is possible (epistemology), he investigated how fields of knowledge are structured
(archeology).

In light of Foucault’s claim, De Certau compares the work of a historiographer to that of a

literary and textual analyst. Both specialists appeal to the rhetoric of the document they study.
Both recover how the "speech acts" which are staged in their evidence and how they betray
something other than their writing cannot entirely efface.26 Emphasizing the constancy of
language that represents the events, the craft of the chronicler and the historian can be
evaluated together based on the contingency of their fabrication. For the same reason, the
literary analyst uses the term "invention" in rhetoric which the historiographers pertains to
analogically when (s)he examines the "selection" employed in a documentary study.
Contemporary trends in historical studies have been defined, according to Foucault, by a
crisis in the status of the document as the basis for reading history. How should documents be
interpreted? Foucault's answer is not to 'interpret' them at all, and indeed to relocate the basic
element of historical study from the document to the statement (which is only loosely bound
to the specific document in which it is read). His method replaces broad continuities and
generalizations with specific, describable relations that preserve the differences and
irregularities of discourse. The historian studies only the set of 'things said' in their
emergences and transformations, without any speculation about the overall, collective
meaning of those statements. Archeology does not describe history through discourse; it
describes the history of discourse. It sets aside any psychological notions and any
assumptions of the rational progression of history, making therefore the knowledge produced
unique and quiet radical.

The influence of the French thinker Foucault on the Anglo-American academic and reading
public is overwhelming. His impact has grown in recent years due to the incorporation of his
works into the university curricula of contemporary literary studies, sexuality, gender ethics,
politics and sociology. One interesting description is found in Pamela Major-Poetzel who
took interest in the archeological method of Foucault by likening it to what the modern
physics presents to the imagination and claimed it could be the first step in the formation of a
new science of history independent of the nineteenth-century modern of evolutionary
theology.

Einstein's field theory has shifted attention from things (particles) and abstract
forces (charges and gravity) onto the structure of space itself. Although Einstein was
not able to eliminate things (matter) entirely and to develop a theory of pure
relations, he was able to equate matter and energy and to formulate laws describing
matter-energy fields... Michel Foucault, a contemporary French thinker whose
formal training has been in philosophy and psychology, is concerned with precisely

25
P. MAJOR-POETZL, 12.
26
T. CONLEY, Translator’s Introduction, x.

6
these concepts, and he has developed a theory of cultural systems very similar to
field theory in modern physics. But, rather than remain within the confines of
epistemology or the philosophy of science, Foucault as sought to combine theory
and practice in a new discipline that he calls "archeology..." like field theory, has
shifted attention from the things (objects) and abstracts forces (ideas) to the structure
of "discourses" (organized bodies of knowledge and practice, such as clinical
medicine) in their specific spatiotemporal articulations. 27

The archeology treats discontinuous change and different strata of the past. It aims to
describe rather than interpret and questions those abstract forces like reason, history, libido
which are used to explain phenomena in terms of something else. Archeology is suspicious of
objects. It looks beyond "things" and seeks to examine "the space in which various objects
emerge and are transformed" to describe "systems of dispersion."28

In his early studies of psychiatry, clinical medicine and the social sciences, Foucault
employed the "archeology of knowledge" that treated systems of thought as "discursive
formations," independent of the beliefs and intentions of individuals.29 His archeological
analyses have enabled him to penetrate into the past--into what is no longer thought but may
once have been thought--and to examine the present as well as the past in terms of what has
been excluded as unthinkable. Foucault's studies of madness, medicine, crime and sexuality
portrays a series of abruptly changing perceptions of rationality, health, and normalcy from
the Renaissance to the present. These studies, furthermore, have revealed the systematic
nature of the exclusion of the people classified as mad, sick, criminal, or deviant and have
illuminated the intimate relationship between power and knowledge.30 He was also able to
make a probing analysis of what is possible to know within a specific epistemic period like
Renaissance and the modern period. The Order of Things examines the various discourses in
life (natural history, biology, psychology), labor (wealth,, political economy, sociology) and
language (general grammar, philology, literature). Instead of studying these different
discourses on how they progressed into later discourses, Foucault described the formations
and transformations specific to each discourses with the same epistemological field. One can
trace the early use of the archeological method of Foucault in History of Madness although its
best articulation could be found in The Birth of the Clinic, Order of Things, and The
Archeology of Knowledge. In these works, "Archeology" meant a history unconcerned with
individual experience or human agency. It is an enquirer, which uncovers the system of rules
underlying "statements" or authorized statements.31 His method asks: What are the silent
rules the produce official statements like this one is sick and this one is healthy or normal?
What is the condition that gave rise this specific form of science or discipline? In the Order of
Things, Foucault specified a clear-cut purpose of this kind of study:

But on the other hand, it tries to restore what eluded that consciousness: the
influences that affected it, the implicit philosophies that were subjacent to it,
the unformulated thematics, the unseen obstacles; it describes the

27
P. MAJOR-POETZL, Foucault's Archeology of Western Culture, Chapel Hill, The University of North
Carolina Press, 1985, ix, 3-5.
28
See M. FOUCAULT, Archeology of Knowledge, 47, 32, 37.
29
G. GUTTING, Foucault, Michel (1926-84) in Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. E. CRAIG, London
and New York, 1998, 708.
30
P. MAJOR-POETZL, 5-6.
31
L. DOWNING, The Cambridge Introduction to Michel Foucault, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
2008, 33.

7
unconscious of science. This unconscious is always the negative side of
science—that which resists it, deflects it, or disturbs it. What we would like
to do, however, is to reveal a positive unconscious of knowledge.32

Foucault's contribution therefore to the historical method is not about a novel proposal of
entirely different truths but rather a "relativizing correctives", such that, sticking only to the
accepted and well-worn interpretations could only afford us a partial view of history.33

Task of the Archeologist

It is the task therefore of the archaeologist of knowledge to unearth the historical discursive
rules and thus the whole matrix of relations within which they define and constitute the unity
of a discursive formation. Furthermore, it is within this network of discursive rules,
concerning the construction of objects of analysis, the formulation of concepts, the
articulation of theoretical structures, and the like, that the conditions of the truth/falsehood
dichotomy are determined.34 Claims to true and scientific knowledge of reality, therefore,
which take on in epistemology a universal and non-historical character, appear in
archaeology to have historical and contingent discursive elements.35

[In the classical period] unknown to themselves, the naturalists, economists, and
grammarians employed the same rules to define the objects proper to their own
study, to form their concepts, to build their theories. It is these rules of formation,
which were never formulated in their own right, but are to be found only in widely
differing theories, concepts, and objects of study, that I have tried to reveal, by
isolating, as their specific locus, a level that I have called, somewhat arbitrarily
perhaps, archaeological36

Thus, in Foucault’s archaeological analysis, the main problem concerns the interrogation of
those elements which allow scientific discourses to create their objects and to formulate their
theories, but which also constrain them in their scientific investigations. These “historical a
priori” elements impose limits in the sense that they involve certain rules and regularities
which confer to a body of knowledge the status of scientificity in a particular historical
period.

In his archaeological analysis of psychiatric and medical discourse, Foucault shows that the
knowledge relation which the human mind establishes with reality is mediated through
historical and discursive elements. His purpose, it should be emphasized, is not to evaluate
the epistemological status of these disciplines; he does not, in other words, explicitly question
whether what these disciplines say about their object of analysis is objective, true or scientific
according to a universal benchmark of epistemology. He is rather concerned with
understanding upon what historical and discursive a priori structures conditions of
scientificity arise; i.e., within what network of discursive elements, however
epistemologically authorized and justified, reality becomes the object of scientific analysis,

32
M. FOUCAULT, Les Mots et les choses, Paris, 1966, English trans., The Order of Things, New York,
Vintage Books, 1994, xi.
33
L. DOWNING, The Cambridge Introduction to Michel Foucault, vii.
34
M. FOUCAULT, The Archeology of Knowledge, 69.
35
S. KOLOGLUGIL, Michel Foucault's Archeology of Knowledge and Economic Discourse in Erasmus
Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Vol. 3, Issue 2, Autumn 2010, (1-25), 3.
36
M. FOUCAULT, The Order of Things, xi.

8
concepts become part of a scientific nomenclature and theories become formulated and
accepted as the scientific cast for the truth.

We could therefore conclude this introduction to the archeological method by enumerating its
usefulness to this project. First, the archeological method of Foucault answers to the
postmodern challenge concerning the textual and fictional characteristic of the science of
history. The starting point of archeology is the historical constructs of a particular epoch.
More than just the gathering of empirical artifacts, this work attempts to see the relations that
organize them; to see these documents and archival materials not as evidences of some
absolute reality, but rather as heterogeneous elements of historical ensemble of culturally
contingent realities. Second, without assimilating all the aspects of this method, it is possible
to embark on an intellectual excavation in the same fashion as Foucault did with his different
works on madness, the clinic and the social sciences specifically on the analysis of social
structures or historiographical “place” that define a particular way of doing history in a given
epoch. Third, the performance of curiosity in the archeological method is the preferred
disposition in this work since it would entail confronting the well-established assumptions of
history and historiography, critically interrogating them how they function in a network of
historically evolving social practices.

II. The Jesuits and The Ecclesiastical Context

The world that the newly restored Society of Jesus in 1814 had to face was much different
from the world that the Antica Compagnia knew. The Industrial revolution was gaining force
and would soon change the way people lived. The French Revolution that brought down
kings and kingdoms and shook every institution in Western Europe in exchange for liberty,
equality and fraternity was still in the air. It happened while the Society has been slumbering.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) redefined the borders of Europe and restored monarchs
to their thrones. The general tendency was to go back to the much familiar values of the
ancient régime. There was constant swinging from republican to monarchial forms of
government. The Church found itself on this side battling against any sign of modernity.37By
the second decade of the nineteenth century, the Catholic Church searched for the demise of
these ominous tides through the erection of bulwarks of throne and altar. It found one of its
champions in the Jesuits.38

The Spain the Restored Jesuits Knew

Much like its European neighbors in the nineteenth century, Spain struggled to “invent” or
construct its identity as a nation.39 During the ancient régime a strong sense of Catholicism
37
J. O’ MALLEY, The Jesuits: a History From Ignatius to the Present, Lanham, Maryland, Rowman &
Littlefield, 2014, 88.
38
See J. WRIGHT, The Suppression and Restoration in The Cambridge Companion to the Jesuits, T.
WORCESTER, ed., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2008, 273-274.
39
The concept of “nation” is an elusive theme in political science. Its definition varies from “a large-scale
solidarity, constituted by the feeling of the sacrifices that one has made in the past and of those that one is
prepared to make in the future” (See E. RENAN, "What is a Nation?" in Becoming National: A Reader, eds. G.
ELEY and R.G. SUNY, New York and Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, 41). Walker Connor, on the
other hand, defines it as a group of people “who believe that they are related by ancestry. It is the largest group
that shares that belief” (See W. CONNOR, From Tribe to Nation in History of European Ideas, vol. 13, 1/3,
1991, 6).

9
has existed in the peninsular subjects of the Crown. They considered themselves as defenders
of the “real faith” as opposed to their Protestant neighbors. They also considered themselves
as ruler of the empire which embraced the colonies in America. It was the king, and not the
“nation”, who governed during the ancien régime.40 There are those who contend that there
was a pre-existing notion of nation though it was blurred by the absolute monarch so much
that one of the effects of the revolution was to give to the people the complete meaning of
being a nation. The real meaning therefore of nation filled up the space vacated by
monarchy.41This sense of “nationalism” or “sense of national identity” is a powerful and vital
force in forming a society’s perception of its environment and its formulation of foreign
policy since it involves defining its parameters and interests.42 The purpose is clear, that is, to
unite its members under one common vision or shared symbols.

From this perspective, one can see at least four different distinct movements in the attempt of
Spain to invent itself as a nation in the modern sense. First is the convocation of the first
national assembly, the Cadiz Cortes in 1810 and the drafting of their constitution on 1812. It
was a major step towards liberalism and democracy in the history of Spain. Second is the
growth of regional nationalism like those of Catalan and Basque. The failure of a strong
center led to the growth of regional nationalism. Two diverse models emerged. The Basque
nationalism, which was confined largely to the urban areas of the Vizcaya province, was a
reaction against this modernization. Catalan nationalism, although varies in form, was an
affirmation of modernity and lamented the delay of political and social modernization.43
Third is the failure of state agencies. The division of the country into forty-nine provinces,
and the unification of local governments in 1833, the creation of the Civil Governors as sate
representatives in every province in 1844, the formation of the Civil Guard (1844) to ensure
the monopoly of violence, and the passing of the Penal Code (1848) and Civil Code (1889)
slowly established the administrative and legal bases of the state. Nonetheless, centralism
took long to overcome the secular fragmentation of Spain’s territory, and the unity of the
state remained highly artificial until well into the nineteenth century.44 The fourth movement
is the decline of the Spanish empire and the rise of national symbols. Spain did not lose her
empire once, but twice. 45 In the early nineteenth century, it lost its colonies in mainland
America through revolutions for independence: Argentina (1810), Paraguay (1811) and
Uruguay (1815, though occupied later by Brazil until (1828), Chile (1818), Peru (1820),
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú and Bolivia (1811- 1825) and Mexico (1821). At the
end of the same century, she lost the remnants of the once magnificent empire. Anti-colonial
uprisings in various colonies reached its climax with the Spanish–American War of 1898,
fought primarily over Cuba. The consequences of these military defeats meant the
independence of Cuba and the cession of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam to the
United States. On 2 June 1899, the last Spanish garrison in the Philippines, located in Baler,
Aurora, was pulled out, effectively ending around three hundred years of Spanish dominance
in this archipelago. This crisis, reaching its peak in 1898, had a negative impact to national

40
Sebastian Balfour and Alejandro Quiroga provides an extensive study on this phenomenon and how Spain
rebuilt itself as a nation from the nineteenth century until the last quarter of the twentieth Century. See S.
BALFOUR and A. QUIROGA, The Reinvention of Spain, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 18.
41
M. VOVELLE, La Rivoluzione Francese 1789 -1799, V ed., Milan, Guerini, Scientifica, 2009, 53-54.
42
Ilya Pirzel elaborates the different theories of origin, definition and development concerning the idea of
nationhood and national identity work (See I. PIRZEL, National Identity and Foregin Policy, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1998, 12 ff.).
43
S. BALFOUR and A. QUIROGA, 9.
44
S. BALFOUR and A. QUIROGA, 24 -25.
45
S. BALFOUR, The End of the Spanish Empire, 1898- 1923, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997, 1.

10
identity. The loss and defeat undermined the romantic rhetoric of the imperial nation such
that by the end of the nineteenth century, there was no dominating narrative of history to
affirm one national identity.46 There were notable signs in the form of national propaganda
that can be construed as Spain’s sign of insecurity. The government tried to establish a fully
national education system. The Ministry of Public Instruction was created in 1900. They
opened schools such as the Escuela de Estudios Superiores de Magisterio (1909), the centro
Estudio Históricos (1910), and the Institu-Escuela (1918). 47 During this period, Spain
resorted to invention of national symbols like the Marcha Real which was established as the
national anthem (1908), the compulsory hanging of the national flag in every public building
(1908), building of monuments for national heroes and monarchs as well as the
commemoration national fighters during the Celt-iberian resistance against the Roman.
Feasts and anniversaries were also fixed. On 12 October 1918, the Day of the Race was
officially declared a national holiday commemorating the “Discovery of America” by
Columbus. All these were done to rekindle the tepid national spirit.48

The Challenges of the Catholic Church in Spain

It is quite difficult to paint a comprehensive picture of nineteenth century Catholic Church in

Spain much like its history as a nation. There is no such thing as a black and white distinction
between orthodox Catholicism or total unbelief. Any hasty simplification of this complex
situation would always fall short. What we could probably draw up are rough sketches of
sporadic realities that shaped the Church in Spain. These could more or less give us an idea
how the Church functioned, reacted or understood itself as an institution towards the second
half of the nineteenth century.

Absolutism and Liberalism. The nineteenth- century was turbulent and profoundly hard for
the Catholic Church in Spain. The dominant character was the transition from royal
absolutism to liberalism.49 The Church absorbed the impact of the shifting balance between
absolutist monarchism and liberalism. Raymond Carr goes to this extent in describing the
plight of the Church in Spain:

It was a crusade against a godless liberal who pursued and stripped the Church, together with
the defense of local self-government guaranteed by the charters of the Basque provinces.
Liberals were "Jacobins" determined to impose centralizing all Spaniards a unique
Constitution. The ancient historical regions had been replaced by uniform provinces
according to the French model.50

Disruption of Parish and Religious Life. The instability of the Church could be attributed to
the factions within the ranks of the liberals varying from the moderates to the progressives.
Each of these factions exerted great effort to control or reform the church in different

46
S. BALFOUR and A. QUIROGA, 10.
47
S. BALFOUR and A. QUIROGA, 27-19.
48
Carlos Serrano devotes a book for a deconstruction of the symbols and cultural practices as part of the
national identity of Spain. See C. SERRANO, El nacimiento de Carmen. Simbolos, mitos y nación, Madrid,
Taurus, 1999.
49
W. J. CALLAHAN, Spain and Portugal: the challenge to the church in The Cambridge History of
Christianity, World Christianities c. 1815 - c. 1914, vol. 8, eds. S. GILLEY and B. STANLEY, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 2006, 381.
50
R. CARR, Liberalismo e Reacción, 1833-1931 in Historia de España, III edition, ed. R. CARR, trans. J. L. G.
ARISTU, Barcelona, Ediciones Peninsula, 2006, 254.

11
degrees. State control of the affairs of the Church remained a central concern.51 These
included suppressions of the religious and the regulars, the embargo and sale of properties in
order to fill up the national treasuries and the prohibition of ordinations to priesthoods. These
radical interventions of the liberal state greatly disrupted the parochial life in many regions.
During the 1830's, the number of male religious orders suddenly dropped resulting to greater
instability in evangelization and pastoral activities. The glorious eighteenth century
ecclesiastical structure was greatly undermined by the closure of about 2,000 monasteries and
Friaries in the nineteenth century. Liberalism was generally considered by priests and lay
defenders of the Church as an attempt of fatal secular ideas to destroy religion.

Anticlericalism. Anticlericalism is one of the bazaars of discourses that republicans and

politicians used while the rest of the nations were building their identities and Spain’s
national identity was in state of flux and doubt.52 For the first time in Spain, a violent urban
hostility towards the religious orders erupted in 1834. In Madrid, a mob murdered seventy-
eight religious, stabbing some of them to death while they hanged or hurled the others from
the rooftops.53 Popular hostility was a manifestation of how deep the ideology of liberalism
has penetrated into the Spanish society. Anticlerical discourses saturated the public life.

Religious Alienation and Ultramontane Piety. Historians speak of the “rose legend” that
seeped into the conscious of nineteenth century Spain. It worked like a mantra for everyone:
“In Spain everyone is Catholic; Spain is the most Catholic nation in the world.”54 This
centuries-old belief in Spain as the bulwark of Christianity was put to the test during this era.
Up until 1932, 99.8 percent of the population in Spain was nominally Catholic.55 While
statistics show that at the turn of the century most parents had their children baptized within
two weeks of birth, it was never a guarantee that Catholics lived their faith.56 Callahan
presents a sturdy survey of Church attendance, observance of Easter communion obligation
and the pessimism of some clergy men who were concerned for the religious status of
Spain.57 The natural reaction of the Church was to tighten up and be defensive realizing its
powerlessness to the political situation. This natural flight reaction became too evident in the
devotional practices. Having been characterized with popular piety, the religiosity of
nineteenth century Spain was coated with a form of rich and luxuriant variety of pious
practices associated with a strong sense of community which came to be known as
ultramontane piety.58 Finding itself amidst these importunate circumstances the Church tried
hard to provide positive meaning to the fragile human existence.

The Spanish Jesuits of the Restoration Period

The Society of Jesus was restored throughout the Church by Pius VII on August 7, 1814.
Alongside her European neighbors during the period of restoration after the Congress of
Vienna, the story of Spain acquired a particularly hard character because Ferdinand VII
included the plan of restoring absolute monarch which the Liberals did not certainly
51
W. J. CALLAHAN, Spain and Portugal, 381.
52
E. SABIA, Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain, New York, 2009, 1.
53
W. J. CALLAHAN, 385.
54
J. GAFO, La situación religiosa de España in La Ciencia Tomista, 1927, vol. 35, 186-187.
55
E. V. ZUÑIGA, El problema religioso de España in Razon y Fe, 1935, no. 465, 296.
56
W. J. CALLAHAN quotes the studies made by R. DUOCASTELLA et al entitled: Sociologia religiosa y
pastoral de la diócesis de Cartagena (Murcia), 240-241.
57
See W. J. CALLAHAN, particularly Chapter XI, Spanish Catholicism, 1875-1930, 240 – 273.
58
W. J. CALLAHAN, 251.

12
welcome. The restoration of the Church in Spain was not a synthesis of tradition and renewal,
but a simple and unequivocal restoration of the old.59 Fernando VII restored the Ignatian
Order by making use of its powers as absolute monarch. He restored the Society through four
different decrees:

1.) The limited or” soft” restoration of the society in the cities they lost (29 May 1815);
2.) The restoration in America and Philippines after he received the advice of the Council for
the Indies (August 1815);
3.) The creation of the Junta de Restablicimento, a state organ which administered the
temporalities and decided the opening of religious houses (29 October 1815);
4.) The general restoration of the Society without limitations in all territories after the go
signal was given by the fiscal and the Royal Council (3 May 1816). 60

There was no question the restoration came from sincere religious motivations, but its
political character lurked behind. The restoration carried with it a strong royalist flavor since
the King delegated its responsibility to the Real Junta de Restablecimiento (created on 29
October 1815), which decided the houses had to be returned and took care of its endowment
by applying the product of the temporalities of old.61

Manuel Revuelta provides a systematic periodization of the Compañia Restaurada alongside

Spanish politics that covers the period of 1815 until 1932. He suggests dividing this first
period of restoration into two blocks. The first sub-period (1815-1874) would consist of the
“syncopated restoration” of the society since it involves a variety of rhythms between the
conservatives and the liberals in the political scene. The second sub-period (1875 -1931), he
designates as the period of “progressive restoration” not because it was without difficulties
but notwithstanding, the Society grew consistently.62 The working hinge of this periodization
is the monarchic Alphonsian Restoration of 1875. This complex Spanish restoration could be
further elaborated thought not for the current purpose of this article.

The Jesuit Historiographical System

The Society from its foundation enjoyed a considerable amount of historiographical sources.
Ignatius, its founder encouraged frequent written communication. It was Polanco who
established an archive for all the incoming and outgoing correspondence of the superior
general. Even after the death of Ignatius, Polanco worked diligently as a secretary to the next
two generals taking care of the all the letters.63 The first written account of the Society would
come from a sort of autobiography of Ignatius who reflected on his fascination and passion to
help souls as well as his high regard for the Holy Land and the necessity of university

59
M. REVUELTA, 14.
60
M. REVUELTA, La Compañia de Jesus Restaurada (1815 -1965) in Los jesuitas en España y en el mundo
hispanico, 292.
61
Ibid.
62
M. REVUELTA, II. CJ Restaurada in Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: biográfico-temático,
vol. 2, eds. C. E. O'NEILL, J. M. DOMÍNGUEZ, Roma, Institutum Historicum S.I., Madrid, Universidad
Pontificia Comillas, 2001. 1279.
63
The Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu still conserves several dozens of volumes of accurate
documentation of the founding period. See J. O’ MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits: Where Does It
Stand Today? in The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1570-1773, eds. J. O’MALLEY, G. A. BAILEY,
S. HARRIS and T. F. KENNEDY, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1999, 4.

13
education. His desire to go to the Holy Land and preach had to give way for studies which
would define later the work of the Society. Pope Paul III granted the Society its official
approval in 1540. After more or less twenty years, those who joined the ranks would always
go back to the person of their founder through his writings. O’Malley notes the gravity of
emphasis brought to bear upon the person of Ignatius at the expense of his confreres and first
companions placed their founder on the same pedestal like Francis and Dominic or even a
figure equal to David in relation to Luther who was supposed to be a goliath of the Protestant
era.64 It was Nadal who was responsible for drawing up this early image of the Jesuits that
will linger for a long time. Continually, the Society reflected on their particular character as
envisioned by their founder and companions. Time will prove how the surrounding
circumstances and needs of the current milieu they are in would greatly reshape their
ministry. Here O’ Malley mentions two phases and kinds of historiography within the
Society. The first one is the classical substantialism which believes that the Society is an
unchanging substance no matter what they go through. The second one would come twenty-
five years later when the third general Francisco Borja, commissioned Pedro di Ribaneira to
write about the real biography of Ignatius. This phase will characterize the society in as much
as history is used to charter the sailing path of the society as well as determining their identity
as Jesuits.65 The use of the art of panegyric by Ribadeneira created Ignatius as a saintly
founder of a religious order. Borja’s successor Everand Mercurian commissioned Giampietro
Maffei to write a new “less personal and more official approach” biography of Ignatius. The
Italian scholar also published a Latin translation of letters from the Jesuit missionaries.66

O’Malley did not elaborate much on the historiography of the missions of the Society.
Although the sending of missionaries would be delayed due to the priority given to studies
and the need of personnel in the colleges established, the Jesuits soon became a global
enterprise. This can be gleaned through the Litterae Annuae, private missionary letters and
narratives sent back and sometimes published in Europe and shared across the continent and
across Catholic and Protestant confessions. Most of them became the basis for scholarly
works on Jesuit missions. In the Iberian missions, there were at least three major series of
publications: the Latin Litterae Annuae Societatis Iesu (Rome, 1581-1654) a report from all
Jesuit institutions and missionary reports, the French Lettres édificantes et curieuses des
missions ètrangères par quelques missionaires de la Compagnie de Jésus (Paris, 1702 -
1776), correspondences of French Jesuit missionaries, and the German Neue Welt Botte,
(1726 – 1758), copies and translations of the Lettres édifiantes and original letters written by
Central-European Jesuit missionaries from Asia and the Americas. 67 In Asia, Lederle’s
Mission und Ökonomie der Jesuiten in Indien, a work born out of a dissertation written at the
European University Institute in Florence is the first attempt to incorporate financial records
(mainly on Malabar and Goa) as part of a serious study of missionary work.68 The Jesuits in
the Philippines drew inspiration from Chirino’s Relacion69which deals with the Filipino life
as well as mission methods. A more detailed work is that of Colin70 since it utilized the
unpublished notes of Chirino and the events date back as early as 1616. The work of Murillo

64
J. O’MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 5.
65
J. O’MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 6.
66
See G. MAFFEI, Rerum a Societate Jesu in Oriente gestarum (Dillingen, 1571).
67
R. PO-CHIA HSIA, Jesuit Foreign Missions, A Historiographical Essay in Journal of Jesuit Studies, I
(2014), 48-49.
68
R. PO-CHIA HSIA, Jesuit Foreign Missions, A Historiographical Essay in Journal of Jesuit Studies, 61.
69
P. CHIRINO, S.J., Relación de las Islas Filipinas (2nd. ed) Manila, Esteban Balbas, 1890, 275 pp.
70
F. COLIN, S.J., Labor evangélica, ed. P. PASTELLS, S.J., (3 vol.) Barcelona, Henrich, 1900 -1902.

14
Velarde71 continued the work began by Chirino although not as organized as his predecessor
yet useful. A more local work on the mission of the Jesuits to the Muslims of Mindanao, the
general history of Combes72 complements the accounts of Colin and Velarde.73

The historiography of the early Society of Jesus was later pegged with the Reformation. Its
critiques and enemies like Veit Ludwig von Seckendorff drew a caricature of the Society as
the loyal armies of the Pope who employed dubious methods. The Society found enemies
within and without of the Catholic Church. It drew ire and criticisms in the accommodation
controversy that the Jesuits used in China, its casuistry, its subversive tendencies and even its
choice of literary style to name a few. The last blow to the Society would come from a slow
degradation of the state-church relationship caused by though not solely by the
Enlightenment rendering them as fanatics, regicides, obscurantists, hoarders of gold.74 In
1773, Pope Clement XIV, pressured by the Bourbon courts and the anti-Jesuit polemics,
suppressed the Society throughout the world. Despite the prohibition to discuss the papal
suppression of the Society, there were several scholarly publications made from 1773-1814.
Notable are those of the Italian Jesuit, Gulio Cesare Cordara and the diaries of the Spanish
Manuel Luengo recounting the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1867.75 In the Philippines, some
missionary accounts on the suppression were retrieved and published.76

A new Society of Jesus rose from the ashes in 1814 when Pope Pius VII reinstituted it. The
Jesuits had to reconstruct the whole business by retracing their roots. History would become
their refuge and weapon against continIn 1829, the Twenty-first General Congregation
decreed the compilation of documents pertaining to the history of the Society. The decree
was sent to all provinces ordering them to gather all pertinent documents in the
reconstruction of their historia domus as well as their litterae annuae.77 It was not an easy job
considering they lost most of their properties and there was a strong resurgence of anti-Jesuit
sentiment. Leroy calls this period as the “golden age of literary Jesuitphobia.”78 Growing
more violent each time, the Jesuits had to suffer exile, suppression and confiscation of
property in Spain, Italy France, Belgium and Germany. It is within this ecclesiastical and

71
P. M. VELARDE, S.J., Historia de la provincial de Philipinas de la Compañia de Jesús, Manila, 1749, 419
pp.
72
F. COMBES, S.J., Historia de Mindanao y Joló, ed. W.E. Retana, Madrid, 1897, cxvliv, 800 cols. The first
edition is from 1667.
73
F. SCHUMACHER, S.J. wrote a bibliographical survey of the Philippine Church history that could serve as a
guide in navigating through the complex history of the archipelago including that of the Society. See J. N.
SCHUMACHER, S.J., and G. H. ANDERSON, A Bibliographical Survey of Philippine Church History in G.
Anderson, ed. Studies in Philippine Church History, London, 1969, 393.
74
J. O’ MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 11.
75
See R. DANIELUK, S.J., Some Remarks on Jesuit Historiography 1773-1814 in Jesuit Survival and
Restoration: A Global History 1773 – 1900, R. A. MARYKS and J. WRIGHT, eds., L. BRILL, 2015, 34-35.
See also Julii Cordorae De Suppressione Societatis Jesu Commentarii, ed. G. ALBERTOTTI, (Padua: L.
Penada, 1923-1925). English translation: On the Suppression of the Society of Jesus. A Contemporary Account.
J. P. MURPHY, S.J., trans., Chicago, Loyola Press, 1999 and M. LUENGO, Memorias de un exilio. Diario de
la expulsion de los jesuitas de los dominios del rey de España (1767-1768), I. F. ARRILLAGA, ed., Alicante,
Universidad de Alicante, 2002.
76
See E. J. BURRUS, A Diary of Exiled Philippine Jesuits (1769-1770), AHSI, 20, 1950, 269-299.
77
R. DANIELUK, S.J., Le ricerche degli storici Gesuiti nell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano tra ottocento e
novecento in Il ministero dello storico : omaggio a p. Marcel Chappin SJ in occasione della presentazione del
volume "Suavis laborum memoria : Chiesa, Papato e Curia romana tra storia e teologia, Gregorian 005, Roma,
Gregorian & Biblical Press, 2013, 368.
78
M. LEROY, Le myth jésuite: De Béranger à Michelet, Paris, 1992, 21.

15
political temperature that the Society deliberately struggled to affirm their identity. In 1859,
the Society published the 8th volume of the series Historia Societatis, an unmistakable sign of
the resurgence of its scholarly works.

Taking cue from his predecessors and the 21st decree of the general congregation79, Father
General Luis Martin (1892 -1906) set out to jumpstart a historiographical enterprise in the
hope of restoring confidence to their apostolate. This would fulfill the dream of his
predecessors and even the first companions of Ignatius: the Monumenta Historica Societatis
Iesu. (later known as IHSI). It is a collection of scholarly volumes on critically edited
documents concerning the origin and early development of the Society of Jesus, including the
life and letters of St Ignatius of Loyola. It was meant not simply to continue the Latin
Historia Societatis but to establish the history of the various provinces, assistancies, and other
territorial units of the Society. He would institutionalize it later on to include a team of
historians of the Society tasked to do scientific research.80 The publication of primary sources
was the in keeping with the times. The late nineteenth century saw the publication of critical
editions of historical documents like Weimar ausgabe of Luther’s works in 1883. O’ Malley
sees this belief to let the documents speak for themselves in keeping with the positivistic
norm of Leopold von Ranke. 81 Luis Martin put this newly found zest to work by
commissioning historians to write the history of the society employing this new methods. To
name some: Antonio Astrain, Jose M., Alois Kross, Thomas Hughes, John H. Pollen, Ernest
Rivière, Berhard Duhr, Fouqueray, Francois-Marie Gaillhard, Louis Le Gonidec, Rafael
Pérez, Pietro Tacchi-Venturi. 82 A total of fifty volumes were published within three
decades.83 Aside from the writings of history of the Society, part of the instructions of Father
Martin was the compilation of primary documents. He commissioned Pablo Pastells, for
instance, a missionary who just concluded his work in the Philippines. In 1905, Fr. Martin
tasked him to collect all the pertinent documents pertaining to the old province of Peru as
well as the Philippines in aid of the Spanish historian Antonio Astrain.84 Fr. Martin issued
specific instructions to achieve a critical history. First, the documents as basis for research
should be as complete as possible. Fr. Martin even encouraged their publication before an
interpretation is made or the writing of history was set forth. Secondly, the recounting of the
past of the Society should be done in such a way that they do not appear to be isolated events.
Their past should be situated in other social and ecclesiastical events highlighting therefore
the activities of the Society.85 Other detailed instructions include the citation of sources, the
use of works by non-Jesuit authors, the use of the vernacular instead of Latin and the
exaltation of great personages of the Society. The first step in realizing this ambitious project

79
See Institutum Societatis Iesu, II, Examen et Costitutiones. Decreta Congregationum Generalium. Formulae
Congregationum, Florentiae 1893, 521.
80
The first volume was pubished in Madrid in 1894. Later when the Curia was transferred in Rome in 1930,
they continued their work from there. See R. DANIELUK, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, come
strumento di studio della storia delle missioni gesuitiche: uno sguardo bibliografico in Studia Missionalia, 60
(2011) 61-84 and by the same author, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, uno sguardo di insieme sulla
collana in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, LXXXI/161 (2012), 249 – 289.
81
J. O’ MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 14. See also the full text of his speech in T. HUGHES,
The New Histories of the Society of Jesus: An Address of Very Rev. Father General; The Work of Archivists;
The Work of Historians in Woodstocker Letters, 24 (1895) 425 – 429.
82
Cf. R. SANZ DE DIEGO, Martin Garcia, Luis, in C.F. O' NEILL—J. M. DOMINGUEZ, ed., Diccionario
Historico de la Compañia de Jesus, Biografico-Tematico, II Vol., Madrid 2001, 1680.
83
J. O’ MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 17.
84
The letter could be found in the Jesuit archives in Rome. ARSI, Prov. Aragoniae II, 183.
85
See R. DANIELUK, Le ricerche degli storici Gesuiti nell’archivio Segreto Vaticano, 370.

16
was to start their research in the recently opened Vatican Secret Archives.86 There were five
Jesuit historians who pioneered this critical research: Antonio Astrain, Thomas Hughes, Alois
Kröss, Pietro Pizzolari and Ernest Rivière. In 1895, Astrain and Hughes published each of
their two letters narrating their work in the Eternal City.87 These letters would be very useful
not only in understanding their laborious research but as well as the whole enterprise
envisioned by the Society which then rested on their shoulders.

The whole team was under the advisory and guidance of Franz Ehrle. Pope Leo XIII first
called him in 1890 to be part of the administration council of the Vatican Library, then later
as its director then in 1895 as its Prefect. He was responsible for giving order to the then
disorganized library through cataloging and indexing its collections.88 The role of Ehrle in the
enterprise put into motion by Fr. Martin was fundamental and critical. Initially, the motive of
the research was simply in defense and the edification of the Society. Ehrl convinced him to
heed some pivotal decisions. 1.) to design the historical research in a manner as scientific as
possible; 2.) to transfer ARSI form Rome to the Netherlands to avoid being confiscated by
the Italian government; 3.) to provide systematic guidance to the the historians of the Society
he commissioned. O’Malley is convinced that the Jesuits opened up itself to the new methods
of the nineteenth Century particularly the faith in historical objectivity promulgated
especially by the great German masters.89 He attributes the renewed interest on the use of
primary sources and the normative methods of the time to Leopold von Ranke who advocated
the idea that the document speaks for itself.

The two-fold mission of these pioneers was very clear: to locate documents that pertain to the
history of the Society and the drafting of a historical account out of these materials. This
research project of Fr. Martin clearly distinguished the roles of the researchers/compilers and
the historians. Although there were times when the researchers/compilers became authors of
the history of an assistancy. In the table below, Danieluk illustrates clearly the division made
for the first group of historians gathered by Fr. Martin.

III. An Historiographical Construction

This interest of this work gravitates on the historiographical production that the Jesuit
network engaged in after the reinstitution of the Society. This new Society faced a very
different kind of challenge, deliberated and commissioned people to achieve a specific task.
With seemingly unending threat of another suppression and insignificance, historical research
became their best means and weapon. This study will attempt to excavate the different strata
of discursive forms employed by the Society more specifically on how the researcher,
compiler turned historian Pablo Pastells contributed to the whole production. Unlike his

86
For a recent article on the issues connected with the opening of the Vatican Secret Archives, See S.
PAGANO, Leone XIII e l’apertura dell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano in Leone XIII e gli studi storici. Atti del
Convegno, C. SEMERANO, ed. Vatican City, 30-31 October, 2004. See also P. VIAN, ed. L’Archivio Segreto
Vaticano e le ricerche storiche, Vatican City, 4-5 June 1981, Rome, 1983.
87
See A. ASTRAIN, Aux archives; ANTONIO ASTRAIN, Rome—aux archives du Vatican Lettre du P. Astrain,
(Fiesole, 15 juillet 1895), in Lettres d’Uclès, III (1895), 341-344 and T. HUGHES, The Vatican Archives; T.
HUGHES, The New Histories. For a detailed examination of the objective and outcome of the whole research in
the Vatican Secret Archives, see the recent work of R. DANIELUK, Le ricerche degli storici Gesuiti
nell’archivio Segreto Vaticano.
88
DHCJ, Biografico-Tematico, II Vol, 1222.
89
J. O’ MALLEY, The Historiography of the Jesuits, 18.

17
confreres, Astrain and Hughes, who published their own accounts of this arduous research,
we have yet to see how Pastells made a dent in the system. Following De Certeau’s
consideration of history as a production, it would be useful to distinguish two phases this
study would be conscious of.90 Since the idea of production transposes the ancient conception
of a “causality” into two problems: 1.) Referring to the facts of history, what made them
possible? Since facts speak of choices, what were the underlying conditions and possibilities
that produced a peculiar discursive formation of the Society? What did the whole historical
enterprise of the Society achieve in Spain and in the Philippines? 2.) the kind of coherence
observed. What was the main concern of the commissioner and the commissioned
historian(s)? What were the lacunae they were trying to fill in? Historians are called to
overcome l’horror vacui, the immerse into the strange and the distance, the insurmountable
threshold, and the rupture from the past.91 What were the methods used by Pastells to help
Astrain and ultimately the Society? Considering the Society of Jesus as the one of the social
places of production, were the specific scientific objectives laid out to him by Fr. Martin
satisfied and fulfilled in Pastells scientific discourse?

Scouring the two Jesuit archives, ARSI (Rome) and the ARXIU (Barcelona), would yield the
letters exchanged between the superior generals and the historians most especially Astrain
and Pastells.

ARSI (Rome)

In the Inventario dei documenti inviati alla Curia Generalizia, Parte IIa, Nuova Compagnia
(1814 - ) on pages. 83 – 85 one can find an index or directory concerning the province of
Aragon. It is generally divided into five main parts whereby: I. Epistolae, II 1020A (1962-
1965) designated as Nova Provincia Aragonite, III. Negotia Specialta, IV. Documenta
Triennalia, V. Historica.

The following correspondence between Pastells and the Father Generals are found:

1. 1905, 19 September, Luis Martin to Pastells, Prov. Aragoniae II, 183 (The Superior
General relieves Pastells of his current assignment and commissions him to start the
research project on South America in aid to the work of Astrain. Specific instrutions
include the archives to visit, the scope and method of his work, the choice of the
documents as well as expenses.

2. 1905, 30 September, Pablo Pastells to Luis Martin, Prov. Aragoniae, 1003 – IV,
1905, 32. (Pastell replies to the letter of Fr. Martin while he was conducting a retreat
of priests in Manresa. He complies to the directives of the Father General and
promised to make a detailed report of his accomplisments.)

3. 1906, 18 Februar,y Luis Martin to Pastells, ARSI, Prov. Aragoniae II, 196 (Martin
acknowledges the receipt of the progress report sent to him by Pastells from

90
See M. DE CERTEAU, Writing History, 11-12.
91
M. MORALES, Sacra limina, al limite dell’operazione storiografica in Paulo Apostolo Martyri, O.
BUCARELLI and M. MORALES, eds., Rome, Gregorian & Biblical Press – Pontifical Gregorian University,
2011, 24.

18
Valladolid, Madrid and Sevilla and expresses his satisfaction. In the following page,
the comments of Fr. Astrain were attached as well as his answers to some
clarifications of Pastells. Below is also a note requesting Pastells to submit the
documents he discovered pertaining to the early appearances of Our Lady of
Guadalupe.)

4. 1907, 6 March, Father General (Franz Xavier Wernz )Letter to Pablo Pastells, ARSI,
Prov. Aragoniae II, 216 (This is the reply of the new father general of the Society to
Pastells to his letter (missing) of inquiry regarding the project entrusted to him by the
former superior. The reply states that there is no outstanding order from the former
father general concerning his work. He encourages Pastells to continue his research
on these ancient documents. (He wishes him well on his summer stay in Spain.)

5. 1907, 11 June Father General Letter to Pablo Pastells (1909) (Franz Xavier Wernz ),
ARSI, Prov. Aragoniae II, 303 (This is the reply of the Father General to the letter of
Pastells dated May 29, 1907 thanking him for the examples of the sheets and for his
diligence. He also sends his congratulations to Fr. Astrain whom he is helping through
his research. He appreciates the usefulness of the history of the Paraguay Missions
like an arsenal. He has nothing to add to the praises which the provincial of Aragon
has accorded to his work on the Philippine missions.)

6. 1908, 17 July, Father General Letter to Pablo Pastells (Franz Xavier Wernz )ARSI,
Prov. Aragoniae II, 277 (The Father General thanks Pastells for his letter concerning
his work in the Archivo General de Indias. He leaves everything to the prudence and
Zeal of Pastells as to how to proceed with the work.)

7. 1909, 29 May, Pablo Pastells to the Father General (Franz Xavier Wern) Prov.
Aragoniae, 1003 – VIII, 1909, 15 (This letter to the Father General speaks of: 1. his
work, in the Archivo de Indias Hispalense, and of the method used in his scheme;
2. the published works of P. Astrain and the documents found by R.P. Lever.;
3. the order of P. Iñesta to write on the history of Philippine Mission after the
restoration of the Society

8. 1912, 17 May, Pablo Pastells Letter to Father General, Prov. Aragoniae, 1004, 1912,
11 (Pastells reports to the Father General the results of his work in the arhives
involving some 85 volumes, 55 codices and his intention to send copies to the father
general.)

ARXIU (Barcelona)

One can browse at the Sala de Consulta the index entitled: Cartes Filipines, Llistat alfábetic
de REMITENTS. Pages 148 – 153 reveal all the letters sent by Pastells from 1882 to 1905 in
different capacities as a missionary in Mindanao, Superior of the Missions, Socius or as a
researcher/historian. The corresponding archival documents are organized according to
cajas which contain numbered carpeta interior or HEGUI c/solapa (organized according to
year). In turn, it yields the tamaño or the folio.

Here are some initial findings concerning significant letters that could useful to this study.

19
1. 1896, 9 November, Pio Pi to Pastells and 7 December 1896
2. 1897, 1 January, Pastells to Pi, Pio
3. 1902, 20 June, Luis Martin to (no name) mentioning Pablo Pastells
4. 1903, 4 August, President of Arthur H. Clark Company to Pastells
(typewritten in English )
5. 1903, 4 September Pastells to Sr. D. Arthur's H. Clark Company (typewritten)
6. 1903, 11 June, Astrain to Pastells
7. 1903, 19 April Astrain to Pastells
8. 1904, 3 July Pi, Pio to Pastells
9. 1904, 3 September A.L. to Pastells from Brussels ( French)
10. 1904, 5 June Pastells to A. Iñesta, Provincial
11. 1904, 14 June Postal Card from Belgium to Pastells
12. 1905, 1 August Astrain to Pastells
13. 1905, 4 August Pastells to R.P. Antonio Astrain
14. 1909, 19 April Martin Guitas to Pastells
15. 1913, 22 April Astrain to Pastells
16. 1913, 16 June Astrain to Pastells

1950, Notice of Death of P. Salvador Sedò in Noticias dela Provincia Tarraconense, S.I.,
año II, Barcelona, February (1950) No. 15, 290-292.

20
Chronology of the Life and Works of Pablo Pastells
based on Notas Biographicas by S. Cedó, S.J.

1846, 3 June - born in Figueras, Province of Gerona

1861 - transferred to Barcelona

- at 15 yrs. old
- mission to Mindanao in the Philippines was opened.
1866 - 8 Aug - entered the novitiate of Balaguer

1868 - September Revolution erupted. Jesuit escolares were forced to migrate

to France.

1869 - completed Philosophy and Humanities

- moved to Marseilles due to health reasons then in Aix, he was ordained
to the Sacred Minor Orders.

- remained in the College of Moulin for some months where he was

assigned as a prefect in a division of more than 100 alumni.

- Revolution which overthrew Napoleon III.

- secretly roamed around by night in secular attire accompanied by a
captain of the Pontifical Guards.
- moved to Clermont when the revolutionaries took over their house.
- transferred to Toulouse by taking advantage of an expedition of
wounded soldiers in the battle of Sedán.
- having discovered that their houses were already closed, went to
Bañolas where he finished his theological studies.

1871 - he celebrated his first mass in the eve of Nativity in Bañolas.

- a few days later, the house was closed since the Carlistas were
cornered in the city, pastells moved to the newly founded residence in
Alcoy.

1872 - arrived in Alcoy.

1873 - 1874 - went to different missions with other Jesuits in Alcoy, Concentaina,
Muro, Lorca, Benimarfull, Milleneta, Gorga, Almudaina, Planes, Valle
de Higuera, Benilloba and Villalonga.

21
- founded the first circulo in Spain, the Circulo Católico de Alcoy. Later on
various Circulos Obreros Católicos were founded.

1875 - did his tertiary probation in Auzielles with Fr. Fermin Costa as instructor.
- left Spain during Summer to start his new stint as a missionary to the
Philippine islands.
- after a month of sea travel, arrived in Manila where he was given
important assignments as a socius, secretary to the superior general of the
mission, subprefect of Ateneo and director of the Congregación Mariana
while studying the Visayan language necessary for the mission.

1876 - (October) he was already in Surigao, Mindanao visiting some cities or

ranches.
- (1 November) in Catel then Caraga.
- (30 November) reported to have started preaching in Cebuano during
Sunday mornings and evenings.

1877 - (2 January) reported to have established 10 cities ( other previously named

ones plus Santiago, Sra del Carmen, and San estanislao.

1878 – He wrote a series of letters

1879 - (July) went back to Manila due to health condition of priests in Mindanao.
- (6 March) returned to Caraga to restart the mission now as a superior

1881 - Pastells decided to implement missionary strategies by dividing the group

into two. The North ( composed of 6 towns) to be entrusted to Frs. Peruga
and Puntas. The 21 towns of the South were placed under the care of Pastells
and Gisbert.

1887 - (April) Pastells left Caraga for Manila, tired.

1888 - appointed as Superior General to the Mission.

1893 - due to health reasons, left manila to Barcelona upon the order of Fr. Juan
Ricart. He stayed in the Residence and College of Sdo. Corazon de Jesús
exhausted due to Anemia.

- After just a few days of rest, together with Fathers Antonio Govern and
Rafel Domenech, he proceeded to Ripoll to participate in another mission
which would last for 11 days.

22
- After coming back from the mission, he gave some spiritual exercises to
400 workers.
- He was then sent to Valencia, believing that its benign climate could help
him recuperate. But he could not be calmed down.

1894 - From January to June, he preached the retreat of the Hijas de Marias who
numbered more than a thousand. One round for the socii of the Conferencias
de San Vicente de Paul in Figueras, his birthplace. Two more in Menorca, to
the clergy of Mahón, and of Ciudadela.
- He also preached in the cathedral of Gerona.
- On his return to Valencia, he preached in the tritium for the mission of
1,600 jail inmates in San Juan de los Reyes.
- (June) Due to high fever, the Father provincial, Jaime Vigo, decided to pull
him out of preaching and looked for other suitable work for Pastells.
- In these six months, Pastells dedicated all his time in writing the history of
the modern mission in the Philippines.
- His superiors supported his newly found hobby and interest and they
decided to send him to Andalusia to conduct an interview with P. Barrado, ex
missionary in the Philippines.
- He was made in-charge of the all papers related to the Philippine mission.
- He accompanied his superiors in visiting public archives of Jerez, Cadiz and
Sevilla and finally passing through Madrid in order to meet up with Fr.
Nadal, both marched to Loyola, with the motive of making a research in its
archive concerning everything related to the Philippines.
- At the end of June, Pastells received his nomination as the new secretary to
the Father Provincial of Aragon, a job which requires a good knowledge of
the mission in the Philippines.
- His work as researcher and collector of documents had to stop for 3 years
though he went to Madrid three times to collaborate in the re-edition of the
protohistory of Mindanao written by Fr. Combés, S. J.

1895 - Pastells published Cartas de los misioneros de la Compañía de Jesus en

Filipinas. Composed of 10 tomos which include 36 of his letters as Superior
of the missions as well as his memorias and relaciones.

1897 - Pastells resumed his halted works after being relieved of his job as
secretary. He settled in Colegio de San Ignacio de Sarría.
- He took advantage of the indices being sent by the secretary of the Archivo
General de Indias to the Compañia General de Tabacos.
- He also prepared the new edition of the work of Fr. Colin, Labor
Evangélica de los obreros de la Compañia de Jesus en las Islas Filipinas,

23
wherein he made lots of critical historical notes and commentaries on the
history of the Philippines.
- It took him seven years in composing and publishing this work and the
other complementary ones.
- In the same year, in collaboration with Don Emilio Retana, he published
Historia de Mindanao y Jolo, an edition of the original work of Fr. Combes.

1900 - The North Americans, now occupying the Philippines published El

Archipelago Filipino. Colección de datos Geograficos, Estadísticos, relativos
al mismo…Pastells was the principal collaborator of the historical part of this
publication.

1904 - Fr. Juan José de la Torre, Assistente, came to Sarria and persuaded Pastells
to show him his collection of documents regarding the history of the
Philippines.
- He was very pleased with what he saw that he recommended his findings to
the Father General, Luis Martin, who was then looking for men with the same
qualities whom he can assign as auxiliares to historians like Fr. Antonio
Strain who was writing then Historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la
Asistencia de España.
- for 24 years, he worked in the Archivo General de Indias transcribing 400
legajos or fajos de documentos

1906 -1908 - Pastells published in the journal, Razon y Fe, a series of articles on
Competencia entre Castellano y Portuguese del Siglo XVI, sobre las regiones
del Extemo Oriente, situadas fuera del empeño. As Retana notes, he brought
with him once again unpublished notes and documents which were fruit of
his research in the archives.

1912 - The successor of Fr. Martin, Fr. General Franz Javier Wernz, put a stop to
the arduous work of Pastells in making copies of all the documents. Instead
he suggested making summaries or extracts which are more or less big,
according to the importance of the documents.

- He published the first tomo of the Historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la

Provincia del Paraguay in Madrid.

1914 - In the occasion of the celebration of the first centenary of the restoration of
the Society of Jesus, almost all the provinces published a monograph
concerning their works and development. Pastells was once again
commissioned to write on the modern mission in the Philippines. He

24
published therefore Misión de la Compañia de Jesús en Filipinas en el Siglo
XIX. Relación Historica, deducida de los documentos autógrafos originales o
impresos, relativos a la misma, por el P. Pablo Pastells, misionero que fun
durante 18 años en aquel Archipiélago.

1918 - Pastells published the first tomo of the Colección General de Documentos
Relativos a Las Islas Filipinas, Existentes en el Archivo de Indias de Sevilla,
publicados por la Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas. It was a
homage of the company to the Philippines in celebration of the 4th centenary
of the discovery of the archipelago. He would later complete 5 tomos all in
all.

1920 - He presented and published the voluminous tomo: El Decubrimiento del

Estrecho de Magallanes in collaboration with Fr. Constantino Bayle,

1921 - In the Second Congress of History and Geography in Sevilla, he presented

his new work entitled, Descubrimiento y Conquistas de los Castellanos en el
Extremo Oriente, y Competencias Habias con Los Portuguese sobre la
posesión de las regiones situadas fuera del empeño, antes de la unión de las
dos coronas.

1925 -1932 - In the last seven years of his life, he worked on the Catálogo de Documentos
Relativos a Las Islas Filipinas, existentes en el Archivo de Indias de Sevilla.
It followed the 5 tomos he published with the Compañia General de Tabacos
de Filipinas wherein he included all the text and documents comprising of
1,500 volumes. This last work would contain indices of the previous work
preceded by a synthetic relación of narrated events pertaining to the
documents included. This narration of Pastells would the first civil history of
the Philippines which occupied 2,300 pages of all 8 tomos published.

1932 - (16 August) Pastells died at the age of 86 in Tortosa while editing by hand the draft
of the tomo VIII (9th Volume).

25
BIBLIOGRAPHY

FONTS:

Archivo de la Universidad Pontificia Comillas (AUPC), Madrid

—Fondo Pastells

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Roma.

—Acta de la Consultas del P. General con sus Asistentes

—Documentos referentes a las Congregaciones Generales

—Documentos referents a las Congregaciones de Procuradores

—Documentos personales del P. Martin

Arxiú Històric S. I. Catalunya (ARXIÚ), Barcelona

-- Cartes Filipines

ASTRAIN, A. Aux archives; ANTONIO ASTRAIN, Rome—aux archives du Vatican Lettre

du P. Astrain, (Fiesole, 15 juillet 1895), in Lettres d’Uclès, III (1895).

BONOAN, R., The Rizal–Pastells Correspondence: The Hitherto Unpublished Letters of

Jose Rizal and Portions of Fr. Pablo Pastell’s Fourth Letter and Translation of the
Correspondence Together with a Historical Background and Theological Critique,
Quezon City 1994.

CHIRINO, P. S.J., Relación de las Islas Filipinas2, Manila, Esteban Balbas, 1890.

COMBES, F., Historia de Mindanao y Joló, ed. W.E. RETANA, Madrid, 1897, cxvliv, 800
cols. The first edition is from 1667.

Diario de sesiones de las Cortes Generales y Extraordinarias 1810. No 1 (24-09- 1810) al

No 96 (31-12-1810). Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cevantes,
http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor/diario-de-sesiones-de-las- cortes-
generales-y-extraordinarias--6/html/0299914e-82b2-11df-acc7- 002185ce6064_2.htm

HUGHES, T., The New Histories of the Society of Jesus: An Address of Very Rev. Father
General; The Work of Archivists; The Work of Historians in Woodstocker Letters, 24
(1895).

Institutum Societatis Iesu, II, Examen et Costitutiones. Decreta Congregationum Generalium.

Formulae Congregationum, Florentiae 1893.

Julii Cordorae De Suppressione Societatis Jesu Commentarii, ed. G. ALBERTOTTI, (Padua:

L. Penada, 1923-1925). English translation: On the Suppression of the Society of

26
Jesus. A Contemporary Account. J. P. MURPHY, S.J., trans., Chicago, Loyola Press,
1999

Las Baleares, Palma de Mallorca, 21 Miercoles de Novembre, 1046 (1894).

LUENGO, M. Memorias de un exilio. Diario de la expulsion de los jesuitas de los dominios

del rey de España (1767-1768), I. F. ARRILLAGA, ed., Alicante, Universidad de
Alicante, 2002.

PASTELLS, P., Historia General de Filipinas desde los primeros descubrimientos de

portugueses y castellanos en oriente, occidente y mediodía, hasta la muerte de
Legazpi in P. TORRES—LANZAS, Catalogo de los Documentos relativos a la Islas
Filipinas existentes en el Archivio de Indias de Sevilla, Tomo I (1493 -1572),
Barcelona1925.

_____________,ed., F. COLIN, S.J., Labor evangélica, (3 vol.) Barcelona, Henrich, 1900 -

1902.

_____________, Mision de la Compañia de Jesus de Filipinas en el siglo XIX, I- III,

Barcelona, 1916.

_____________, Mision de la Compañia de Jesus de Filipinas en el siglo XIX, I, Barcelona

1916, English trans. Mission to Mindanao, 1859-1900, trans. P. SCHREURS, Quezon
City 1998.

_____________, Letter of Pablo Pastells to Father Provincial J. Capell. S.J., 28 August

1884, APT, Cartas de Filipinas a los p.p. Provinciales de 1863 a 1887, Trans. J.
SCHUMACHER, Readings in Philippine History.

SEDÓ, S., Rdo. Padre Pablo Pastells, S.I., Notas Biograficas, Barcelona1933. KALAW, T.
ed., Epistolario Rizalino, I, Manila 1930.

VELARDE, P. M., Historia de la provincial de Philipinas de la Compañia de Jesús, Manila,

1749.

BOOKS AND ARTICLES:

AITON, A. S.—MECHAM, J. L., «The Archivo General de Indias» in The Hispanic

Americal Historical Review, vol. 4, No. 3. (August 1921).

ARCILLA, J., «Jesuit Historians in the Philippines» in Philippine Studies», vol. 44, no. 3
(1996).

___________., «Jesuit Mission Policies, 1859 -1899» in Philippine Studies, vol. 27, no. 2
(1979).

____________., Pastells, Pablo in Diccionario Historico de la Compañia de Jesus,

Biografico-Tematico, II Vol., ed. C.F. O' NEILL, J. M. DOMINGUEZ, Madrid 2001.

27
AUBERT, R., The Continuation of the Old Regime in Southern Europe in History of the
Church, VII, H. JEDIN—J. DOLAN, ed., London 1981.

BALFOUR, S.—QUIROGA, A., The Reinvention of Spain, Oxford 2007.

BALFOUR, S., The End of the Spanish Empire, 1898- 1923, Oxford,1997.

2
BANGERT, W. V., A History of the Society of Jesus, St. Louis 1986 .

BAYCROFT, T.—HEWITSON, M., ed., What is a Nation? Europe 1789-1914, Oxford

2006.

BURKE, P., The Fabrication of Louis XIV, London1992. BURKE, P., ed., New Perspective
on Historical Writing, University Park, PA 1992.

BURRUS, E. J., A Diary of Exiled Philippine Jesuits (1769-1770), AHSI, 20, 1950.

CALLAHAN, W. J., Spain and Portugal: the challenge to the church in S. GILLEY—B.
STANLEY, ed., The Cambridge History of Christianity, World Christianities c. 1815
- c. 1914, VIII, Cambridge 2006.

CALLAHAN, W. J., The Catholic Church in Spain, 1875 -1998, Washington, D.C. 2000.

CARR, R., Liberalismo e Reacción, 1833-1931 in R. CARR, ed., Spain: A History Oxford
3
2000, Spanish trans. Historia de España, trans. J. L. G. ARISTU, Barcelona 2006 .

COLIN-PASTELLS, III: 688-89. Translated and cited by J. Schumacher. Cf. J.

2
SCHUMACHER, Readings in the Philippine Church History, Quezon City1987 .

CONNOR, W., «From Tribe to Nation» in History of European Ideas, vol. 13 1/3 (1991).

DALY, L. J.—BURGER, E. K., «Some Notes on the Pastells Collection in St. Louis
University» in Manuscripta 24 (1982).

DANIELUK, R., Le ricerche degli storici Gesuiti nell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano tra
ottocento e novecento in Il ministero dello storico : omaggio a p. Marcel Chappin SJ
in occasione della presentazione del volume "Suavis laborum memoria : Chiesa,
Papato e Curia romana tra storia e teologia, Gregorian 005, Roma, Gregorian &
Biblical Press, 2013.

______________, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, come strumento di studio della

storia delle missioni gesuitiche: uno sguardo bibliografico in Studia Missionalia, 60
(2011) 61-84 and by the same author, Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, uno
sguardo di insieme sulla collana in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, LXXXI/161
(2012).

______________, Some Remarks on Jesuit Historiography 1773-1814 in Jesuit Survival and

Restoration: A Global History 1773 – 1900, R. A. MARYKS and J. WRIGHT, eds.,

28
L. BRILL, 2015.

DIRKS, N., Is Vice Versa? Historical Anthropologies and Anthropological Histories in

MCDONALD, T.—ARBOR, A., ed., The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences,
Michigan 1996.

DE CERTEAU, M., L’Ecriture de l’histoire, Paris 1975; English trans. The Writing of
History, trans. T. CONLEY, New York 1998.

DE LA COSTA, H., The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1521-1768, Cambridge 1961.

DE SALAZAR, J.—BRISQUIETA, A., Storia del Concordato di Spagna conchiuso il 16

Marzo 1851, e della Convezione addizonale al medesimo Concordato, tipolatad il 15
Agosto, 1859 in Monumenta Hispanie Vaticana, Nunciature Section, II, Roma, Istituto
Español de Historia Eclesiastica, 1974.

EGIDO, T.,—J. BURRIEZA—SÁNCHEZ, J.,—REVUELTA—GONZÁLES, M., Los

Jesuitas en España y en el mundo hispánico, Madrid 2004.

FOUCAULT, M.. Paris, 1972, English trans., The Archeology of Knowledge, trans. A.M.
SHERIDAN SMITH, London and New York, Routledge, 1989.

_______________, Les Mots et les choses, Paris, 1966, English trans., The Order of Things,
New York, Vintage Books, 1994.

GAFO, J., «La situación religiosa de España» La Ciencia Tomista, vol. 35, (1927).

GREZ—TOSO, S., De la regeneración del pueblo a la huelga general: genesis y evolución

del movimento popular in Chile (1810 -1890), Santiago 2007.

I BERNAUS, A. J., La revolución de Septiembre, el gobierno provisional y el reinado de

Amadeo I in R. MENÉNDEZ—PIDAL, ed., Historia de España, vol. XXIV, Madrid
1962.

IGGERS, G. G., Historiography in the Twentieth Century. From Scientific Objectivity to the
Postmodern Challenge, Middletown, Wesleyan University Press, 1997.

GLAZIK, J., The Springtime in the Missions in the Early Modern Period in E. ISERLOH, J.
GLAZIK—H. JEDIN ed., History of the Church,V, London 1980.

JEDIN, H., Religious Forces and Intellectual Content of the Catholic Renewal in H.
JEDIN—J. DOLAN, ed., History of the Church, V, trans. A. BIGGS –P. W.
BECKER, London, 1980.

JONES, G. S., From Historical Sociology to Theoretical History in British Journal of

Sociology, 27, 1976.

KOLOGLUGIL, S., Michel Foucault's Archeology of Knowledge and Economic Discourse in

Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics, Vol. 3, Issue 2, Autumn 2010.

29
LA PARRA—LOPEZ, E., «El Circulo Católico de Obreros de Alcoy y “la cuestión social”
(18 -1912)» Questiones Valencianes, 1(1979).

LAIKOS, A., «What is Historical Critique About?», Historein, 10 (2010).

LE GOFF, J., Storia e Memoria, Torino 1977, English trans. History and Memory, trans. S.
RENDALL—E. CLAMAN, New York 1992.

LEROY, M., Le myth jésuite: De Béranger à Michelet, Paris, 1992.

MAFFEI, G., Rerum a Societate Jesu in Oriente gestarum (Dillingen, 1571).

MAJOR-POETZL, P., Foucault's Archeology of Western Culture, Chapel Hill, The

University of North Carolina Press, 1985.

MARTINA, G., La Spagna: fra sussulti e contrasti, verso la caduta di Isabella II in Pio IX
(1851 -1866), Miscellanea Historiae Pontificie, V, Rome 1986.

MATEOS, F., La Colleción Pastells de documentos sobre America y Filipinas in Revista de

Indias, Num. 27, Enero-Marzo (1947).

MCHALE, B., Constructing Postmodernism, New York 2006.

MORALES, M., A Mis Manos Han Llegado, Cartas de los PP. Generales a la Antigua
Provincia del Paraguay (1606-1639) in Monumenta Historica Societa Iesu, I, Madrid
2007.

_____________, Sacra limina, al limite dell’operazione storiografica in Paulo Apostolo

Martyri, O. BUCARELLI and M. MORALES, eds., Rome, Gregorian & Biblical
Press – Pontifical Gregorian University, 2011.

O’ MALLEY, J., The Historiography of the Jesuits: Where Does It Stand Today? in The
Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1570-1773, eds. J. O’MALLEY, G. A.
BAILEY, S. HARRIS and T. F. KENNEDY, Toronto, University of Toronto Press,
1999.

PAYNE, S. G., Spanish Catholicism: A Historical Overview, Wisconsin 1984. PHELAN, J.

L., The Hispanization of the Philippines, Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses (2011
2
reprint), Madison—Milwaukee—London 2011 .

PIRZEL, I., National Identity and Foregin Policy, Cambridge 1998.

PO-CHIA HSIA, R., Jesuit Foreign Missions, A Historiographical Essay in Journal of Jesuit
Studies, I (2014).

PRIETO, F. B., El Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla, Sagrario de la Hispanidad in El

Español, año 1, n. 1 (31 de Octubre de 1942).

Prologo General of El Archipelago Filipino, Tomo I, Washington, Imprenta del Gobierno,

1900.

PUTNAM, H., Language and Philosophy, in Mind, Language, and Reality, Philosophical

30
Papers 2, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1975.

R. DANIELUK, «A Failed Mission or a «Never-ending Tertianship?» François- Marie

Gaillard S.J. (1853-1927) and his contribution to the historiography of the Society of
Jesus» in Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu: Vol. 82 Issue 163, 2013.

R. SARABIA, España... ¿es católica? : chartas de un misionero, Madrid 1939.

RENAN, E., What is a Nation? in Eley, G.—SUNY, R.G., ed., Becoming National: A
Reader, New York—Oxford 1996.

RETANA, W. E.—GÓMEZ—DE LA SERNA, J.—DE UNAMUNO, M., Vida y Escritos del

Dr. José Rizal, Madrid 1907.

REVUELTA, M., II. CJ Restaurada in Diccionario Histórico de la Compañía de Jesús :

biográfico-temático, II, C. E. O'NEILL, J, M. DOMÍNGUEZ, ed.., Roma, Institutum
Historicum S.I., Madrid 2001.

____________, La Compañia de Jesus Restaurada (1815 -1965) in Los jesuitas en España y

en el mundo hispanico, 292.

____________, La Compañia de Jesus en la España Contemporánea, Tomo I: Supresíon y

reinstalacíon (1868 1883), Madrid 1984.

RORTY, R., The Linguistic Turn, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1992.

SABIA, E., Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain, New York 2009.

SANZ DE DIEGO, R., Martin Garcia, Luis, in C.F. O' Neill—J. M. Dominguez, ed.,
Diccionario Historico de la Compañia de Jesus, Biografico-Tematico, II Vol., Madrid
2001.

______________, Astrain, Antonio, in C.F. O' Neill—J. M. Dominguez, ed., Diccionario

Historico de la Compañia de Jesus, Biografico-Tematico, I Vol., Madrid 2001.

SARDA—SALVANY, F., Liberalismo es Pecado, Madrid 1884, Eng. Trans., What is

Liberalism?, trans. C. B. PALLEN, St. Louis, Mo. 1899.

SCHULTENOVER, D. G., Luis Martin Garcia, the Jesuit General of the Modernist Crisis
(1892-1906): On Historical Criticism in The Catholic Historical Review, Volume 89,
Number 3, July 2003, 434-463.

SCHUMACHER, J.— ANDERSON, G., A Biographical Survey of Philippine Church

History in G. Anderson, ed., Studies in Philippine Church History, London 1969.

SCHUMACHER, J., roth and ecline: Essays on Philippine Church History, Quezon City
2009.

SEIXAS, X-M.N., Projectos Alternativos de Nacionalizacion de masas in Europa occidental

(1870 -1939) y la relativa influenzia de lo contingente in E. Acton—I. Saz, ed., La
transición a la politica de masas, Valencia, 2001.

31
SERRANO, C., El nacimiento de Carmen. Simbolos, mitos y nación, Madrid 1999.

SCHIMDT, S. J.— HAUPTMEIER, H., «Foundations of a Constructivist Empirical Study of

Literature» in Poetics Today, V, 2, (1984).

SPIEGEL, G., ed., Practicing History, New Directions in Historical Writing After the
Linguistic Turn, New York 2005.

STEINMETZ, G., Introduction, Positivism and Its Others in The Politics of Method in the
Human Sciences, Positivism and Its Epistemological Others, ed. G. Steinmetz,
London, Duke University Press, 2005.

VARGAS—ZUÑIGA, E., «El problema religioso de España» Razon y Fe, no. 465 (1935).

5
VOVELLE, M., La Rivoluzione Francese 1789 -1799, Milan 2009 .

WHITE H., Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe,

Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973.

INTERNET ARTICLES:

HUGHES, K., The Art of Biography is Alive and Well, at the English daily, The Guardian,
http://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/feb/15/art-biography- alive-and-well.

The history part of the website of AGI:

http://en.www.mcu.es/archivos/MC/AGI/Presentacion.html

32