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CHAPTER 1: Anatomy and Destiny:

Biological Arguments about Gender Difference

MODULE OVERVIEW

This chapter introduces some of the issues and theo- retical perspectives relevant in gender
research today before reflecting on the role gender plays in every stage of a person’s life.

MODULE LEARNING OBJECTIVES

1. Define what is gender and how it is produced.

2. To be able to discuss the rigidity of gender binaries, challenge biologically-based notions of
gender difference, and hypothesize how gender identity is formed through process of
socialization and social control.

LEARNING CONTENTS

Ecological Context: Theoretical Perspectives on Gender Differences

Biological Perspectives

It is generally accepted that females and males of any species exhibit distinct biological and
physiological differences that are present at birth. Based on this fact, proponents of the
biological perspective view the expression of sex in its cultural context (i.e., gender) as
predetermined by the genetic, physiological, and neural foundations of biological sex.

Research with mammals and nonprimate populations has provided evidence that prenatal
exposure and manip- ulation of androgens (male “sex hormones” that stimulate or control the
development and maintenance of masculine characteristics) and estrogens (female sex
hormones) cor- relate with measurable changes in brain development. In infants and children,
these differences align with gender- typical choices of toys and play behavior (Knickmeyer
& Baron-Cohen, 2006; Shepard, Michopolous, Toufexis, & Wilson, 2009).

In humans, similar patterns emerge: Studies of prena- tal exposure to testosterone show that
high testosterone levels correlate with male-typical behaviors in childhood (Auyeung et al.,
2009; Hines, 2004). Such biological factors continue to shape behavior throughout life. For
example, there is evidence that testosterone level is related to aggres- siveness. Because men
are known to have higher average levels of testosterone than women, they should be
expected to exhibit more aggressive behavior. And, in fact, a review of research on this topic
reveals that this is indeed the case (Archer & Mehdikhani, 2004).

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However, it is entirely possible that in cultures that encourage aggressive behavior in both
genders, women may be more aggressive than men in cultures that discour- age aggressive
behaviors in general. In addition, there is clear evidence that females show more aggressive
behav- ior than males in certain situations, for example, when pro- tecting their offspring
from predators.

Even though the biological research finds convincing evidence that genetic makeup and
hormonal exposure pre- dispose the developing brain to gender-typical behaviors, the next
section shows that the biological foundations alone are not sufficient to account for sex- and
gender-typical behavior throughout life.

Evolutionary Perspectives

According to theories of evolution, many gender differ- ences may be explained by an

organism’s motivation to pass on genes by producing offspring and ensuring the

survival of the species at large (Buss, 1994a). Among humans, the particular way in which
this is accomplished appears to differ among men and women. Women, who have the ability
to produce a limited number of children over a lifetime, put their energy into creating an
environment that promotes the survival of a maximum number of children. To accomplish
this, many women’s activities are directed toward the family and involve food preparation,
home maintenance, and creation of a protective network of others who will assist in
completing larger tasks and in protecting against enemies (a part of the microsystem). In
other words, women create a developmental niche (or a microsystem) that will be most
favorable for the development of their children.

In contrast, men can produce an almost unlimited number of children, given the availability
of women. According to the evolutionary perspective, men strive to produce as many
children as possible because the more they have, the more will be likely to survive. To do
this, they have to compete with other men. Under these circumstances, much of their energy
is devoted to competing with other men for available women, and the focus is on physi- cal
strength and aggressiveness.

Despite these different reproductive strategies, women and men have a common goal; this
ensures their children have the greatest possible chance of survival. According to Darwin’s
“survival of the fittest” doctrine, children have a greater chance of survival if both parents
have healthy genes. Consequently, men and women can increase the chances of their
children’s survival if they mate with a healthy partner. Both men and women enhance and
display those characteristics that are evolutionarily attractive in order to be chosen as mates.
According to this perspective, men tend to exhibit behavior that conveys strength and sexual
prowess, such as engaging in challenging sports and games or displaying symbols of wealth
and status—ranging from a Mercedes Benz in Europe to camels in Egypt. Women, however,
tend to reinforce symbols of youthfulness and health, such as smooth skin, healthy teeth and
hair, and a strong body, to communicate that they are young and fit enough to bear many
children. If one accepts this evolutionary view of reproductive strategies, then it may help
explain those social behaviors that are considered specific to women and men in most

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societies.

Socialization and Learning Perspectives

Beginning at birth, individuals are socialized into their particular culture and taught the
values, beliefs, and behaviors that will permit them to successfully function within it (see
Chapter 3). From an early age, as part of the socialization process, children learn to conform
to the roles

that culture considers consistent with their biological sex. In general, girls are rewarded and
praised for exhibiting behavior considered desirable for a woman in that culture and
discouraged from showing undesirable, or gender- inappropriate, behavior. In turn, boys are
rewarded for “malelike” behavior and ridiculed if they exhibit behaviors reserved for girls or
women.

By no means are “feminine” and “masculine” behaviors consistent across cultures.

Occasionally, gender- specific norms may interact with cultural norms and modify gender
roles. For example, although modesty and humility are viewed in China as culturally
important val- ues for all individuals, in other cultures these traits are more desirable, and
more expected, in women than in men. For example, Chinese women have been found to be
more self-effacing, modest, and less likely to take personal credit for accomplishments than
are men, even though the cultural norm requires modestyfrom both genders. However, other
sources suggest that these values,as well as gender socialization, areundergoing significant
change inChina and in other Asian countries(Hao & Chen, 2014).

In addition to direct reinforcement and punishment, children in most cultures also observe
same-sex adult role models and imitate the gender-appropriate behavior exhib- ited by these
models. These behaviors are further reinforced and become internalized as attributes of
gender-appropriate behavior pat- terns. In short, gender concepts are salient at many, if not
all, levels of the ecological system and linked to gender differences as they occur in various
cultures.

As Gibbons, Stiles, Perez-Prada, Shkodriani, and Medina (1996) have demonstrated, these
cultural “systems” influence the gender socialization of children. In their studies, the
researchers obtained drawings of the “ideal” woman and the “ideal” man from children and
adolescents in several different countries (see Figure 8.1). Although they found a common
tendency for the children to portray women as caring for children and the men as occupied in
work roles out- side the home, the researchers also found specific cultural differences. For
instance, adolescents were more likely to draw the ideal woman in a nontraditional role as
businesswoman in cultures with “masculine” work values, and the ideal man in a
nontraditional role as caregiver in “feminine” cultures. The latter was the case in Norway,
where adolescents more often expect the “ideal” man to participate in housework (Stiles &
Gibbons, 1995). The researchers explain this finding by pointing out that Norwegians hold
very egalitarian beliefs about the roles and status of women and men in their society and
convey these beliefs to their children. Ideals may not always reflect social reality. For
example, in highly “masculine” cultures such as Japan, positions of power have been largely

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held by men. Women have had only limited opportunity to achieve status and power, instead
they have tended to remain in subordinate positions, both in the workplace and in private life.
However, there is evidence that the role of Japanese women is changing, affecting the image
of women throughout Asia.

In summary, these different perspectives all propose a slightly different explanation for why
some behaviors seem to vary with gender. The biological perspective considers gendered
behavior a result of underlying biological and physiological processes. The evolutionary
perspective describes gendered behavior as the result of evolutionary processes. Gendered
behaviors represent behaviors that have evolved as most adaptive, considering both
biological attributes and environmental challenges. Finally, socializa- tion and learning
theories see gendered behaviors as the result of a person’s individual learning history within
a specific sociocultural context. None of these perspectives can fully account for the
phenomenon of gender differences and how they originated. Nonetheless, each can explain
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influences on various levels of the ecological system.

Keep this in mind during the upcoming discussion of how issues of sex and gender relate to
development in each stage of the lifespan.

Infancy

As described in Section 8.1.1, the foundations for behavior are shaped by an intricate
interaction of genetic and physiological factors. Even though these biological characteristics
vary significantly from person to person, and sometimes the classification of “male” or
“female” is ambiguous at best, culture creates an artificial dichotomy of two mutually
exclusive groups. Once the doctor or midwife announces “It’s a boy” or “It’s a girl,” the first
major decision in a child’s life has been made for him or her. The labels “male” and “female”
come with distinctive sets of normative expectations that build a framework for identity and
interactions with others in most situations. Furthermore, the assigned membership in one or
the other such exclusive category carries great implications for the individual and his or her
ecological system.

Gender Preference and Gender Ratio at Birth

Within the human population, the distribution of male and female births is approximately
equal, with only a slightly higher birthrate for males: 103 male births for every 100 female
births (CIA World Factbook, 2015).

Yet, there appear to be some striking differences among cultures, as can be observed in
recent demographic data (see Table 8.1). These data show that, compared to countries in
other parts of the world, in many Asian countries, male births outnumber female births by a
larger margin. For example, in China, 110 boys are born for every 100 girls. India (112 boys
per 100 girls) shows a similar pattern. Both countries contrast with Brazil and the United
States (105 boys born per 100 girls). Although these ratios do not sound vastly different, the
absolute numbers are astounding when taking into account total population. In the two
population-richest countries combined (China and India), there are close to 35 million more
male children than female children (ages 0–14 years). In comparison, boys outnumber girls
by only 2.5 million in the next two most populated countries combined (the United States
and Brazil). Researchers speculate that the cultural tradition of “son preference” along with
family planning policies in

the former countries have led to this imbalance in male-to- female birth rates.

In 2015, the figures showed only a few slight but not significant changes—some increases
and some decreases. For example, the total male-to-female ratio for the world was 1.01,
Brazil 0.97, China 1.06, India 1.08, New Zealand 0.99, South Africa 0.98, Sweden 1.00,
Taiwan 0.99, and United States 0.97.

According to cultural traditions in many societies, the family name and family property are
passed down patri lineally. Sons inherit the family wealth, name, and status, which they will

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pass on to their sons. Male children are also often expected to support aging parents. A
daughter becomes part of her husband’s family and no longer has obligations toward her
birth parents. In addition, a dowry system may require parents to pay a dowry price to the
future husband. This may become a great financial bur- den for a family with more than one
daughter. Within such an ecological system, parents may prefer sons as insurance for
financial support and physical security in older age.

By virtue of the value that is placed on male and female offspring, male and female infants
are born into very different ecological systems at birth, and these eco- logical systems
influence development throughout life. For example, a newborn son or daughter will likely
have different numbers of older brothers or sisters depending on whether there is a cultural
preference for male chil- dren within the macrosystem and/or the availability of prenatal
gender determination technology within the exosystem. Almond and Edlund (2008) found
evidence for son preference among families within their analysis of census data in the United
States, focusing on statistics for families of Chinese, Korean, and Indian descent. In these
families, if the first two children were female, then the third child would be twice as likely to
be a boy rather than a girl. Moreover, when at least one of the first two children is a boy,
parents are less likely to have a third child.

In the larger population, these practices ultimately have greater social consequences. Male-
biased sex ratios have been thought to relate to increased violence and crime among young
men, as well as a reduction in unwanted births and female infant mortality.

Childhood

As pointed out in Chapter 3, parents are the primary source of socialization in the lives of
young children, and they introduce the important knowledge, values, beliefs, and expected
behaviors of the culture. One aspect of this concerns society’s expectations regarding
appropriate behavior for women and men or gender role stereotypes.

Lucas-Stannard (2013), discussing gender-neutral par- enting, presents an approach focusing

on a child’s self- identity. This book is recommended in the Further Reading section.

Gender Socialization

One of the most exhaustive investigations of gender stereotypes and attitudes was conducted
by Williams and Best (1990), who found significant differences between male and female
stereotypes in each of the twenty-five countries studied. In general, passivity,
submissiveness, affiliation, and nurturance were seen as more typical in descriptions of
women, whereas activity, dominance, achievement, and aggressiveness were more typical of
men. In this study, Williams and Best also found fascinat- ing evidence related to differences
in the socialization of gender stereotypes among children five to eleven years of age. For
example, across all age groups, children in most countries were more familiar with the male
stereotype than with the female, suggesting that male stereotypes are more dominant in their
lives and are learned earlier. Only in Brazil, Portugal, and Germany did five-year-old chil-
dren clearly identify more items associated with the female stereotype. Overall, Williams and

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Best suggest that gender stereotypes are well established in children by the time they are
eight years old. After that age, they serve as pow- erful “blueprints” for behaviors that are
reinforced throughout life. Gender role stereotypes not only promote overt behavior and
prescribe types of clothing and social rituals, but they also influence the way in which men
and women in a given society view themselves and others. According to these researchers,
by the age of nine, children are already applying gender stereotypes in their descrip- tions of
themselves. In the case of the Midwestern siblings Alisa and Alan, both did well in school,
and both wanted a career. Yet, Alisa was raised according to the cultural ste- reotype of
women as caregivers. She cared for her husband and two children, and even after her
divorce, she contin- ued her role as the caregiver of her elderly mother.

Feminist scholars frequently argue that these gender blueprints socialize women into lower-
status roles and dependency due to the differential positions of power either group holds in
society. Because, in most known soci- eties, men tend to hold positions of power and to
distribute available resources, they frequently have the opportunity to define social roles for
both women and men. They also have the potential to use resources and status as rewards. To
preserve male social dominance, younger men are rewarded for conforming to the behavior
that later enables them to achieve positions of power in society. Among these desirable
behaviors are competitiveness, aggressiveness, and dominance. If men conform successfully
and “play by the rules,” then they will gain power, status, and access to resources.

Women, in contrast, are usually discouraged from exhibiting behaviors that are reserved for
men. Instead, an entirely different set of normative behaviors is defined for them. In many
cultures, they are expected to be submis- sive, nurturing, and weak. This feminine ideal is
defined by men to preserve male privilege. The idea is that weak and submissive individuals
are not likely to compete for resources and power. By conforming to this feminine ideal,
women become attractive and gain the recognition of pow- erful men. In turn, they may be
rewarded by receiving indirect access to power and resources. Women who refuse to
conform to the female gender role will be denied these resources and status. In this case, the
differing social status and power of women and men represent an important part of the
ecological system in which children grow up. Power differences between women and men
are related to their differential treatment by society, as well as gender differences in behavior.

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In polygynous societies, in which it is customary for men to have multiple reproductive

partners, the competi- tion among men for women is very strong. In sub-Saharan Africa,
young boys are taught to be aggressive and com- petitive. In societies in which monogamy or
even polyan- dry prevails, the number of reproductive partners is restricted, and men are not
engaged in competition to the same extent. For example, the role and socialization of boys in
Nyinba, Tibet, are quite different. They are taught cooperation and sharing rather than
competition and aggressiveness because they will one day share a common wife and children
with one or more men. In addition, poly- androus societies grant women more control over
resources and more independence from one particular man. Consequently, socialization of
girls focuses more on independence and assertiveness and less on obedience and
submissiveness.

More fathers are staying at home to care for their children as mothers enter the workforce.

(Westend61 GmbH/Alamy Stock Photo)

Cultural Influences on Female and Male Socialization

Despite widespread similarities in gender role expectations across cultures, there are distinct
differences in how gen- der-related behaviors are transmitted to young girls and boys.
Depending on availability of role models, displays of expected role behavior, or influence of
socialization agents, children in different cultures experience their socialization differently.
Examples of gender role socialization from a variety of cultural perspectives, including

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Korean, Japanese, Islamic, Indian, Nigerian, and Native American, will serve as illustrations
of this point. (See Box 8.1.)

One cannot view the socialization of certain behaviors independently from the cultural
context. Cultures define the basic values and ideals (macrosystems), as well as the agents
who teach the values and the settings in which they are taught (microsystems). In turn,
individuals growing up in this ecological system will shape their environment by adding
individual characteristics to that setting, estab- lishing a unique developmental niche. As a
consequence, the socialization experiences of individuals in the various cultures described in
this chapter have taken very differ- ent paths.

Gender Relationships in Childhood

Apart from parents and caregivers, the role of peers in childhood socialization cannot be
underestimated. In fact, in most cultures, peer relationships play a role nearly as important as
the family. Consequently, same-sex and mixed-sex peer groups provide an effective context
for the observation and practice of gender role behaviors. For example, it could be argued
that early gender segregation indicates very large differences in normative expectations for
women and men in that society; these differences need to be reinforced early. However,
mixed-sex peer groups throughout childhood and the relative lack of differential treatment of
the two genders may indicate greater equal- ity between the genders in adulthood. A look at
different cultures shows that the relationship between gender rela- tions in childhood and
adult gender role behavior is not always linear.

There is a large range of cultural variation in the extent to which children’s playmates are of
both genders or pre- dominantly of the same gender. Gender relations in playgroups range
from completely segregated to segre- gated for part of the time to intergender relations. The
makeup of playgroups can be more or less dictated by cul- tural conventions that include the
gender constellation of the groups.

Overall, however, Eleanor Maccoby’s (1990, 2002) research suggests that the preference for
same-sex play- mates is universal, regardless of cultural norms prescrib- ing gender-
segregated environments in childhood. Although cultural research on playmate preference is
still scarce, a few studies conducted in non-Western cultures seem to confirm Maccoby’s
claim. Munroe and Romney (2006) analyzed observational data from Belize, Kenya, Nepal,
and American Samoa. These four cultures vary in their emphasis on gender differentiation.
The Logoli of Kenya and the Newars of Nepal emphasize strict gender- specific roles, rituals,
and activities, thus exposing girls and boys to very different socialization experiences. In
contrast, among the Garifuna of Belize and in American Samoan society, gender-
differentiated socialization is much less pronounced. For example, girls and boys are
expected to contribute about equally to work around the house, and there are no gender-
specific initiation rites.

The seemingly consistent phenomenon of same-sex preference in playmates lends itself to a

biological explanation of gender differences. Due to their predisposition, boys might bond
together through activities that facilitate physicality and competition. Girls’ pattern of play,

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in comparison, emphasizes interaction and collaboration. However, biological predisposition

toward gender-specific behavior and preferences may only serve as a partial explanation.
Harkness and Super (1985) explain these differences in terms of the developmental niche, in
which children actively explore and define gender relations within the parameters set by
cultural expectations. In addition, unique group processes, inherent in the microsystem of the
playgroup, may highlight the expression of gender-specific behaviors. Gauvain and Cole
(2008) note that “gender-related behaviors are more evident when children are observed in
groups than when they are tested individually” (p. 187).

Adolescence

Markers of Sexual Maturation

Much of the change associated with adolescent develop- ment centers on puberty, a period
of biological transition between childhood and adulthood lasting approximately one to two
years. The physical and physiological changes during puberty are dramatic, having both
psychological and social consequences.

In boys, the transition from child to adult may be marked by several physical events,
including change in voice, emergence of pubic and facial hair, nocturnal ejacu- lation, and/or
a sudden growth spurt and muscle devel- opment. The age at which a boy is granted “adult
status” varies greatly by culture, mostly depending on which physical “marker” is used as
indicator of physical adult- hood. Nonetheless, it is thought that human sexual devel-
opment, regardless of cultural context, may now begin as early as age ten.

The “landmark event” for girls marking the end of childhood is menarche, or first
menstruation. The impor- tance of viewing menarche within the cultural context and the
ecocultural system is illustrated in a study of young girls living at low and high altitudes in
Peru. Gonzales and Villena (1996) compared ten- to nineteen-year-old Peruvian girls living
in the mountainous regions of Lima with girls of similar age in Cerro de Pasco. Results
indicated that those living at higher elevations, where food sources are more limited,
experienced the onset of menarche later than those living at sea level in Cerro de Pasco. The
authors concluded that although nutrition is an important factor in determining the age at
which menarche occurs, one’s physical surroundings and developmental niche also need to
be considered. Another example of this close interaction between environment and physical
development is a study by Proos, Hofvander, and Tuvemo (1991). They observed that the
drastic change in environment experienced by Indian girls adopted in Sweden led to an
earlier onset of menarche. This earlier onset may affect the women’s over- all height by
cutting short the period of physical growth.

Some cross-cultural researchers have focused on the extent to which exposure to

modernization alters the men- strual experience of young girls. In one such study, Fitzgerald
(1990) examined three Samoan communities as part of an ongoing stress and health project
at the University of Hawaii. One community consisted of resi- dents living in remote
traditional villages on the island of Savaii in Western Samoa. A second community,

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experienc- ing rapid modernization, was made up of seven villages on the southern coast of
the island of Tutuila in American Samoa. The third community was composed of individu-
als living in affluent neighborhoods in Honolulu, Hawaii. Ninety-three young girls reported
on their family medical history, menstrual symptoms, menstrual beliefs and prac- tices, and
menstrual experiences. According to Fitzgerald, although the literal translation of the
Samoan word for “menstruation” (ma’imasina) means “monthly illness,” most Samoans
view menstruation as a natural part of life—something given to them by God to prepare them
for motherhood—over which they have no control. Findings revealed that the more exposed
Samoans were to the influ- ences of modernization, the more likely they were to report
severe menstrual symptoms. This suggests that as cultures come into greater contact with
each other, the values and beliefs of one tend to influence the behaviors of the other.

In this case, the values and beliefs characteristic of the more modern society (Honolulu)
tended to affect the men- strual experience of the Samoan islanders. Once again, this tends to
support the validity of studying behavior from the perspective of the recurring themes of the
ecological model and the developmental niche.

In addition to clear biological markers of sexual matu- rity, there are distinct cultural markers
that indicate a read- iness among women and men to find a sexual partner. Biological and
cultural markers may or may not coincide, depending on cultural norms. For example,
Hindus con- sider a girl sexually mature with the onset of menstrua- tion. However, a
sexually mature unmarried woman living in her father’s house is considered unfortunate for
all involved, and it is the duty of the father to marry off his daughter as soon as she reaches
puberty or even before.

The transition from adolescence to adulthood is often considered a highly spiritual event that
is celebrated with elaborate initiation ceremonies. These ceremonies often involve a ritual
change of hairstyle, clothing, tattoos, or even circumcision to make the newly gained status
as adult visible to all. However, transition to adulthood is not always marked by one single
event. Mayan culture, for example, considers young women and men to be sexually mature
and allows them to find a mate when they begin to feel sexual desire. Parents or other
members of the com- munity do not get involved in the young person’s deci- sions about
who or when to marry. This generally does not happen until the ages of sixteen to eighteen
for women and twenty for men.

Gender, Sexuality, and Cultural Taboos

Once young women and young men are considered sexu- ally mature, they are prepared to
experience their first ini- tial sexual encounter. Across cultures, these experiences vary
greatly in terms of how strictly they are guided by cultural norms and which forms they take.
The expecta- tion of chastity until marriage (particularly for women) is a norm among many
cultures. Patriarchal societies and those based on traditional Catholic or Islamic values
generally have very strict chastity norms. Consequently, young women have little or no
sexual experience or instruction until they marry. In societies in which girls are allowed to
explore their sexuality more or less freely, such as the Masai of Kenya or the Hopi Indians of
North America, there are some legal or normative rules about the age at which a girl may

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become sexually active. Usually, the min- imum age is no younger than thirteen or fourteen.
Chastity norms rarely apply in the same way to young men. Instead, boys are frequently
encouraged to engage in various types of activity to practice sexual behavior, satisfy their
sexual desires, or express their virility and dominance. Young men’s sexual experience is
seen as preparation for a long- term relationship or marriage. It is a well-known practice in
some cultures for older women, frequently prostitutes or unmarried women in the
community, to instruct adolescent boys in sexual matters.

In some cultures, such as the indigenous societies of North and South America,
communication about sexual matters is largely taboo and surrounded by myths, so that
adolescents are left to explore their sexuality on their own. In their study of Mayan culture in
Guatemala, Bertrand, Ward, and Pauc (1992) report that adolescents receive little education
or information about sex. Young girls do not learn about menstruation until they experience
menarche and have few sources from which to learn about sexual matters. In contrast, boys
learn about physical develop- ment in school, from friends, or even from television or
movies. Although these are informal sources of informa- tion, culturally sanctioned
information about marriage is conveyed during a traditional religious ceremony. However,
according to their findings, this ceremony is considered primarily a ritual and does not
provide practi- cal advice and instruction regarding sexual relations.

In addition to prohibiting sexual intercourse before marriage, some societies have strict
taboos about sexual activities. In China, the only sexual behavior considered legal and
morally permissible is heterosexual intercourse within a monogamous marriage. Any other
behavior is considered illegal. Traditional Hinduism prescribes a very specific definition of
sexuality, and following that defini- tion is absolutely essential. Any unnatural sexual
activity, including extramarital relations or homosexuality, results in losing one’s caste,
mutilation, or even death. It should be noted that these norms refer to the strictest followers
of traditional Hindu teachings. In modern India, as in many other cultures, the norms
themselves, as well as the conse- quences for breaking them, vary greatly.

Young adolescents in many other cultures are permit- ted to explore and express their
sexuality in a variety of ways. For example, among the Maya in Guatemala, it is common to
freely choose one’s sexual partner. Parents do not have much to say regarding the selection
of a mate or the age of marriage. Nonetheless, Mayan adolescents respect cultural traditions
and generally abstain from sex- ual contact before marriage. Their interactions are typi- cally
limited to talking, holding hands, kissing, and embracing.

In cultures in which premarital relations between women and men are not prohibited by
cultural norms, they are considered an expression of love and affection. Yet, how love and
affection are perceived and expressed is, again, subject to wide cultural variations. In a
comparison of college students of four different ethnic backgrounds, Dion and Dion (1993)
found that Asian subjects of both genders view love relationships more in terms of friendship
and caring than do women and men of European or Anglo-Celtic backgrounds. The authors
argue that this view of love is consistent with the notion of self and others in cultures that
emphasize collectivism.

In most cultures, the concepts of gender and sexuality are closely related. The cultural norms

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about what men and women should look like and how they should behave extends to the
realm of sexuality. For example, gender- appropriate behavior for women usually includes
being attracted to men and engaging in sexual relations with men. Thus, a lesbian woman
violates this female gender norm by being attracted to and sexually active with other women.
By deviating from the female gender norm, she sheds doubt on her “womanhood.” If she
does not behave like a “real” woman, then is she a “real” woman? Conversely, a heterosexual
man, who happens to be femi- nine in his appearance or makes a career choice that is more
typical for women in his culture, will likely be per- ceived as gay. If he is gender atypical in
his behavior, then it is thought he must also be gender atypical in his sexuality.

Other sexual minorities, such as transgendered indi- viduals and bisexual youth, face similar
challenges. In adolescence, when issues of gender and sexuality become particularly salient,
young people may struggle with the expression of their gender identity and sexuality.
Deviating from gender norms and/or deviating from sexual norms may have serious social
and psychological consequences. Interestingly, the extent of the consequences depends on
how strictly gender deviation is viewed in a given cultural context. For example, in
traditional Latino cultures that value and expect “machismo” from young men and pas-
sivity, subservience, and nurturance from young women, those who deviate from these ideals
are stigmatized, ostra- cized, and sometimes the victims of violence. When strict gender
norms are less pervasive in a person’s ecological system, mild or temporary deviations from
gender norms may be tolerated. This might be the case in some contem- porary Northern
European countries, in which people hold very egalitarian beliefs about the roles and norms
for women and men in society; see Stiles and Gibbons (1995), as cited previously in the
chapter. Not coincidentally, Scandinavian countries have the most liberal laws con- cerning
sexual minorities.

In recent years, we have heard more about transgender—of or relating to people who have
a sexual identity that is not clearly male or clearly female— individuals as they openly
declare their sexuality. Awareness of transgender issues in the media has increased
dramatically since 1952 when George (Christine) Jorgensen, an American veteran,
announced she had undergone gender reassessment surgery. Within just the past few years,
the topic has received increased attention due, in part, to the publicity given a few high-
profile individuals (Bruce (Caitlyn)

Jenner, Chastity (Chaz) Bono), the presence of transgender characters on television programs
and in motion pictures, and the publication of books on the topic. Cross-culturally, we have
found transgender individuals in Thailand, India, Iran, Nepal, Vietnam, Indonesia, and other
countries. However, it is an area that has not received a great deal of professional research
interest. Perhaps with greater attention devoted to it, the situation will change in the future.
Of interest to readers may be the website and blog by a mother whose six-year-old son told
her at age three that something went wrong when he was born because he is really a girl. See
https://gendermom.wordpress.com/.

In this regard, the 3rd annual LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender) Research
Symposium was held in 2015 at the University of Illinois with a focus on research—
challenges and opportunities—for working with these populations and for formulating
practices and policies.

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Finally, there is an informative article on evidence from the Boston University Medical
Center of the biological basis for gender identity that may go a long way in changing
physicians’ perspectives on transgender medicine and improve health care for these
individuals. See Boston University Medical Center (2015, February 13) to be taken directly
to their website.

Adulthood

The life tasks that individuals encounter in early and mid- dle adulthood can be considered
universal. In any culture, most adults are faced with responsibilities related to child- rearing
and providing for themselves and their families. In short, they have to “make a living.” How
these responsi- bilities are distributed and what the settings in which peo- ple “make a living”
look like depends, in large part, on the individual’s ecological system. Cultural values,
socioeco- nomic status, and family size are just some examples of ecological influences, as
well as characteristics of the developmental niche. This section looks at the specific ways in
which gender influences the lives of adults in dif- ferent cultural environments.

Status and the Division of Labor within the Family

Based on universal gender role stereotypes and gender role socialization, the adult roles of
women and men are very different. Throughout history, and in almost all known societies,
women have taken primary responsibil- ity for child-rearing and housework, whereas men
have been responsible for work outside the home. Industrialization and increasing economic
pressures have brought about drastic changes that have affected the exclu- sive nature of this
arrangement. Today, agricultural

communities can no longer sustain all their families, and many men have to leave their
villages and towns to find work in larger cities. As a result, traditional family struc- ture is
disrupted and, along with it, traditional gender roles. Women then find it necessary to seek
work outside the home to fulfill some of the tasks the departed men leave behind. Also, in
highly industrialized countries, technology has made housework much easier and less time
consuming, but sometimes more expensive. In many cases, these additional financial needs
can only be met by an additional income provided by the woman.

Surprisingly (or maybe not so surprising to some), increased participation of women in the
workforce has not led to a significant change in gender roles at home. Numerous studies
show that men tend to participate more in housework when their spouse works outside the
home. However, even if both spouses are employed full time, child-rearing and housework
are still the main responsi- bilities of the woman. Similar patterns are found in fami- lies in
the United States, Switzerland, Indonesia, the Philippines, Taiwan, South Korea, and
elsewhere.

Division of Labor in the Workforce

In addition to the gendered division of labor in the family, women and men are frequently

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segregated into different occupations in the labor force. Many occupational fields are either
female or male dominated. One possible expla- nation is that those occupations requiring
female stereo- typed attributes (e.g., nurturance) are female dominated because women have
better skills for that work or simply prefer it. For many women and men, these gender-stereo-
typed occupations represent an important aspect of their developmental niche. Not
surprisingly, in many cultures, women tend to be teachers, nurses, or caregivers. Similarly,
occupations requiring physical endurance, strength, or assertiveness (e.g., laborer jobs or
executive positions) tend to be dominated by males. However, stereotypical gender roles are
only one possible explanation for occupational gender segregation.

Occupational fields are also frequently segregated by status. Female-dominated occupations

generally have a lower status than male-dominated occupations, regardless of the work
involved. For example, activities that involve interpersonal communication and interaction
are often associated with women because they tend to have stronger verbal and interpersonal
skills. This helps explain why more women than men become teachers, therapists, and social
workers. Yet, few women are involved at the highest levels in international politics, science,
business, or aca- demia, all of which require a great deal of interpersonal and verbal skills.
Badal, mentioned in the opening vignette, who prepared to be a youth counselor in India,

probably has many more female colleagues than male col- leagues, unless this occupation is
highly regarded in his culture.

High-status occupations typically are better paid and are associated with access to greater
resources, resulting in frequent wage and status gaps between some women and men. [In the
United States, current discussions of wage inequality are a “hot topic.”] As a consequence,
women are often economically disadvantaged and dependent on their husbands or other men
as financial providers. In fact, it appears that there is a consistent gender difference in how
men and women view the relationship between status, money, and pay. Tang (1996) revealed
that men in the United States with high money ethic endorsement (MEE)— the psychological
importance of money—allocated signifi- cantly more money to the highest position and less
money to the lowest positions (creating a large pay differential and clearly linking status with
money) than did those to whom money was less important. Women’s allocation of money
was not affected by their MEE. In a subsequent study, Tang, Furnham, and Davis (2000)
conducted a cross- cultural comparison of pay differentials (in the United States, Taiwan, and
the United Kingdom) as a function of the rater’s sex and MEE. Findings showed that
Taiwanese allocated more money to different positions than did their British and American
counterparts. Men tended to have a significantly higher top/bottom pay differential than
women. In another study focusing on the devaluation of women’s work, England, Hermsen,
and Cotter (2000) found that there is a “wage penalty” for working in occu- pations that have
a higher percentage of women.

Many governments have now established public policies and laws that have led to greater
gender equality with regard to material and economic differences (i.e., antidiscrimination
employment laws). However, differences in the representation of men and women in occupa-
tional fields continue to exist. Maria Charles’ and Karen Bradley’s (2009) study of forty-four
societies revealed a surprising trend: In societies that have “regulated” gender equality,
occupations are more segregated by gender than in societies with less institutional gender

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equity. In particu- lar, in such industrially “advanced” countries, men enter the
mathematics/engineering occupations in significantly greater numbers than women. The
authors argue that eco- nomic independence from gender inequality (macrosys- tem) allows
individuals the choice to express their “innate” gendered selves as part of a fundamental
identity. The next section explores how the cultural expression of gender reinforces or
changes the ecological context in which indi- vidual growth and development takes place in
adult life.

Gender Relations in Social Status and Public Policy

Social and economic stratification is deeply rooted in cul- ture, contributes to gender
inequality, and is reflected in relationships within the family. Assuming that economic power
equals social power, the family member with the greatest social power will be most dominant
within the family and thus be a powerful influence within the micro- system. Asserting this
power can mean making financial and social decisions, asserting one’s needs, assigning tasks
to other family members, and yielding or denying access to resources.

For several centuries, men generally have had more economic and social power than women.
Therefore, they are likely to control and shape interpersonal relationships with a spouse and
within the family. Although women may manage everyday financial or social affairs, the ulti-
mate power of approval or disapproval for decisions often lies with men, who may or may
not choose to exercise this power. Because these status differences are so pervasive, they are
often reinforced by the political institutions pres- ent within a culture’s various ecological
settings.

Francoeur and Noonan (2004) perceive some radical changes in this established world order.
They argue that there is evidence for a global “sexual revolution,” which is bound to change
the ways in which people relate and shift gradually toward a new gender equality. The
authors pro- vide the following examples of changing “gender culture” around the world: (1)
In Finland, the popularity of both marriage and cohabitation are declining. Two national sur-
veys, in 1972 and 1993, show that the fastest-growing life- style is couples “living alone
together” (LAT) (in a sexual relationship). In these same surveys, LAT couples report being
much happier with their personal and intimate lives than married or unmarried cohabiting
couples. Similar trends have been reported in Germany and elsewhere.

(2) China has been widely condemned for its one-time one-child-per-family policy, forced
abortions, and female infanticide. But because these policies have also created a serious
surplus of males, young Chinese women are enjoy- ing an unexpected change in bargaining
power and choice in picking the best possible husband. (3) In Latin America, Peruvian
women have enthusiastically endorsed a govern- ment campaign to make contraception
available to all women, especially the poor. In a nation where 90% of the people are Catholic
and many rural women have ten or more children, Peru’s women are ignoring the pope’s ban
on contraception and asserting their right to control their own sexual and reproductive lives.
(4) In Algeria, Muslim women are turning to personal advertisements to find mates of their
own choice, despite strong family disap- proval and censorship by fundamentalist Islamic
men. (5) There is a growing tradition of financially established sin- gle Italian men,

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“mammoni,” who continue living with their parents into their thirties, forties, and beyond,
instead of marrying and moving out on their own. Italian hus- bands and Catholic bishops
complain that Italian women are not listening to them anymore. So many Italian women,
married and unmarried, are using birth control and having abortions that Italy now has the
sixteenth lowest birthrate (9.18 births per 1,000 people) of nations in the world.

These examples lend themselves to the conclusion that gender continues to permeate all
levels of the ecological system in adult life. Ultimately, individual development is framed by
fundamental beliefs about differences between men and women.

Later Adulthood

As is the case throughout life, the physical, psychological, and social changes in later adult
years affect men and women in similar and different ways. Cultural views of aging, gender,
and gender relations shape the ecological system in which older men and women develop.

The Experience of Menopause

A major event for women during these years is the experi- ence of menopause. Because
menopause, like menarche, is a universal event, it would be easy to assume that all women
experience it in the same way. However, based on our previous discussions of
Bronfenbrenner ’s ecological model, we would expect that cultural values, expectations, and
context would contribute strongly to shaping the experience—and they do. For example, in
previous decades, Europeans and North Americans, among others, frequently described
menopause as a “change of life.” Many early television programs stereotyped elderly and
middle-age women as moody, unpredictable, and depressed. The picture of menopause as
presented in contemporary print media does not seem to have signifi- cantly improved.
Although the frequency of articles on menopause has increased, the information is often
insuffi- cient, treated as a negative experience or disease needing medical treatment,
frequently containing contradictions and inconsistencies, and ignoring or giving little
attention to such factors as race and ethnicity, lifestyle differences, stress, or aging.

Today, most North Americans and, in fact, people in many other countries view menopause
very differently. Women’s own expectations have changed, and for some, menopause is seen
as a liberating experience. Part of this new view can be attributed to changing cultural views
of aging. For research that views menopause from a contex- tual analysis, see Anderson
(1999).

Robinson (2002) reviewed cross-cultural studies con- ducted in Israel, North America, Japan,
Peru, the Yucatan, and the Greek island of Evia. Results indicate that there are enormous
differences in the experience of menopause among women in the same culture and among
women in different cultures. Robinson concludes further that, indeed, menopausal symptoms
are the result of not only physical factors but also psychological and cultural influences.
From these examples, it becomes clear that both the physical change during menopause itself
and the cultural view of menopause shape a woman’s experience. Is menopause just another
“developmental stage,” or is menopause an “ill- ness” that can be treated (e.g., with hormone

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replacement therapy)? If menopause is an “illness” that warrants treat- ment, then should we
begin to consider hormone treatment for puberty as well, with its many discomforting
symptoms (e.g., acne, mood swings, and change in body shape)?

Divorce and Widowhood

You may recall from the discussion of cultural views on marriage in Chapter 4 that men and
women in later adult- hood, in most cultures and religions, consider marriage to be one of the
highest sacraments. However, in any society, there will be a number of individuals who do
not have a spouse, either because they never married or because they lost their mate through
divorce or death.

According to traditional Hindu beliefs, divorce is unacceptable. If men are not content in
their marriage, then they are allowed to take a second wife. After their wife’s death, men are
also permitted to remarry immedi- ately. Widowhood for women, in contrast, carries a strong
social stigma. Without her husband, women are consid- ered incomplete and even sinful.
They are not allowed to remarry, become social outcasts, and simply await their own death.
As a result, some women choose to burn them- selves at their husband’s funeral to attain
spiritual salva- tion. Sati, or widow immolation, is a sacred practice (Kumar & Kanth, 2007).
Although the current Indian government strongly discourages this practice, a widow’s
memory is still held in high regard if she dies within a reasonable time after her husband’s
death.

Among the Hausa of Northern Nigeria, marriage also plays an important spiritual role.
Adults who die while still married are expected to move on to Lahira, or paradise. Although
divorced and widowed adults are stigmatized, they are not met with nearly as much
resentment as adults who never marry. Previously married women can still acquire some
status by becoming prostitutes and remarrying later, an option denied to women who were
never married.

In many Native American societies, a widow secures her livelihood by marrying one of her
husband’s brothers or another close relative. Divorced women may return to their parents or
marry another man. Divorce proceedings are relatively uncomplicated unless wife and
husband share a great deal of property or the wife’s relatives want to negotiate the return of
the bride price paid to the hus- band. These examples of women in different societies show
that even in adulthood, individuals create their own developmental niche in response to
cultural norms and expectations associated with, in this case, divorce and widowhood.

When viewing divorce in the larger ecological context, it becomes clear that cultural beliefs
about gender roles and gender-typical behavior (macrosystem) shape individ- ual experiences
within the family (microsystem). “Divorce is not merely behavior on the microlevel, but is
associated with shifting cultures on the macrolevel” (Yodanis, 2005, p. 656). Yodanis argues
that the option of divorce, when accepted in society, gives women the power to negotiate
equal status in the family. Her study of twenty-two coun- tries revealed that women and men
experience more equality in their marriage when divorce is practiced and accepted in their
society. In countries that, until recently, outlawed divorce (the Philippines and Ireland) or in

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which divorce is highly unaccepted (Japan), gender roles within the family tended to be more
traditional and unequal in terms of work distribution and decision-making power in the
home.

These findings are mirrored in Bulbeck’s (2005) description of young people’s understanding
of gender relations within the larger cultural context. Even though many of the young adults
interviewed had not yet estab- lished their own families, the cultural beliefs about gender
relations within the family were well established. Respondents from Asian cultures (Japan,
Korea, and Thailand) tended to emphasize separate roles for men and women within the
family. These beliefs were associated with the cultural belief that prescribed gender roles
serve the family and society. In contrast, young adults from Australia, the United States, and
Canada showed strong support for gender equality in the home based on individual
preference.

Gender Roles and Status in Old Age

In traditional societies, age is frequently associated with a gain in community status. Older
adults are respected and accepted as leaders who bring with them a wealth of life experience.
Furthermore, they are frequently thought to have supernatural powers, and they hold
important spiri- tual and religious responsibilities. Finally, both female and male elders are
considered important to the socialization process because they pass on the group’s cultural
heritage to the next generation. In societies in which status is based on age and role as much
as gender, older women may actually gain considerable power, both within their fami- lies
and in society, once they have broken through the “seniority” barrier. This may be the case in
Asian societies more so than in Western cultures.

Sangree (1992) examined two societies, with a particu- lar focus on older men and women.
The Tiriki of Kenya and the Irigwe of Nigeria are two societies that view their elders with
great respect and appreciate the wisdom they bring to the society. On closer examination,
Sangree dis- covered it is not seniority alone that leads to status and influence among these
elders. A necessary condition for being recognized as an elder is grandparenthood. To
achieve the highest respect as an older person, one has to have at least three living children.
Being accepted as an elder represents a gain in status, particularly for Tiriki women.
According to cultural norms, Tiriki women cannot be initiated as adults and are denied
important positions in the clan or the village. Moreover, their activities are limited to
domestic work and farming. As elders, women achieve considerable power and influence by
being involved in community affairs, although their contributions are not publicly
recognized.

Among the Irigwe, elder status derives from the cul- tural belief surrounding a mystical
relation between

death and birth. The Irigwe believe that the soul of a deceased person will eventually be
reincarnated as a newborn. The departure of one soul is essential for the creation of a new
life. Elders who are approaching death are held in high esteem because their death ensures
the continuation of life.

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Although Irigwe women are not granted formal lead- ership in the form of a public office,
they nevertheless play a critically important role in community life. In contrast to Tiriki
society, women have more opportunities to excel in certain areas and gain public recognition
(e.g., as healers or craftswomen). As grandmothers, they achieve even more status and are
held in high regard.

With changes brought about by modernization, the gender roles and status of older adults, as
well as of younger adults, have changed, particularly in Irigwe society. Sangree (1992)
describes how young educated men are taking over community activities formerly conducted
by the male and female elders. Such changes are not characteristic of younger women. They
are often too busy with their family responsibilities or limited by their lack of education to
compete with men for jobs and status.

Among the Tiriki, male elders retain their influence in some local affairs. The culture has
preserved the elder males’ role as an essential agent in the socialization and initiation of
younger males. They are also more involved in their sons’ lives because they manage their
sons’ property while they are away from home for work. The influence and status of female
elders are gradually disappearing, and there are fewer opportunities for them to be involved
within the community. Overall, the status of Tiriki individuals in late adulthood and how
they are viewed increasingly resemble the view held by other modern cultures.

LEARNING ACTIVITY

Study Questions

Define the terms “sex” and “gender” and distinguish between them.

Use biological, evolutionary, and social learning perspectives to explain gender differences
that are considered universal (e.g., relative strength, body size, aggression, and verbal skills).

Give examples of how factors at the micro-, exo-, and macrolevels of the ecological system
explain cultural differences in gender equality during adulthood.

Discuss gender socialization during childhood and some of the influences on it.

Describe the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Comment on the division of labor
within the family and within a culture’s labor force.

Consider cultural differences and similarities in divorce and widowhood.

Describe changes in gender roles and status in late adulthood, and give examples.

SUMMARY

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This chapter discusses the development of women and men across the lifespan. Whereas
some gender differences can be viewed from a biological perspective, the emphasis here is
on social and cultural forces that contribute to the psychological development of men and
women in differ- ent societies. In early childhood, prevailing gender stereo- types already
influence the socialization of gendered behavior. Cultural customs and arrangements
determine the structure and content of social interaction between boys and girls. These
interactions become increasingly important during adolescence, when young people are

preparing for their roles as adults. Aside from biological maturity, cultural norms determine
when a youth may engage in sexual activity. In addition, cultural rules may dictate mate
selection, as well as acceptable or unaccept- able sexual activities. The years of adulthood are
charac- terized by clearly stipulated roles and obligations, many of which are defined by
gender. Although many of these roles show great similarities across cultures, the status of
men and women and their relationships may differ depending on their cultural environment
and their unique developmental niche.

REFERENCES

Gardiner, H. W. (2018). Lives Across Cultures Cross-Cultural Human Development (Sixth Edition ed.).
Hudson Street NY, New York: Pearson Education

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