TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN

Author(s): RODERICK J. LAWRENCE

Source: Journal of Architectural and Planning Research , December 1984, Vol. 1, No. 4
(December 1984), pp. 261-271
Published by: Locke Science Publishing Company, Inc.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43028706

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J ARCH PLAN RES 1984; 1:261-271 261

TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN

RODERICK J. LAWRENCE

□ There are diverse ways of analyzing the design and use of domestic space. One
uncommon approach is by studying the boundaries that separate spaces and the
thresholds and transitions that link them in different ways. Whereas housing
research concerned with this subject has focused upon either the spatial or the
affective characteristics of dwellings, this article argues that it is not only de-
sirable but also instructive to explore the interaction between these sets of char-
acteristics in those terms expressed by residents. This was achieved through a
participatory design process, prior to the construction of a housing cooperative,
that used full-scale models of dwelling units. □

To build a house (or any man-made structure), one must define and d
Therefore it is important to analyze spatial boundaries - how rooms are sep
linked to each other. The concepts of thresholds and transitions are no
employed to study the morphology of buildings.
When Community and Privacy was written by Chermayeff and Alexand
the boundaries between communal and private domains in residential areas
ered explicitly by and for architects and planners. This book illustrated how
could be employed to remedy conflicts between private freedom and p
Chermayeff and Alexander (p. 141) proposed an "anatomy of privacy" defi
of a hierarchy of spaces and the way different domains are linked yet ret
clarity and autonomy:
Whatever the precise size and number of the domains may be, the hierarchy must be influe
extent by the connections between domains. In other words, the joints between successi
domains, the extent of their separation, the precise way they are attached to one anoth
transition that needs to occur between them, are all matters of vital importance, irrespective
size and number of domains.

Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne, Switzerland.

Address reprint requests to Roderick J. Lawrence, Department d'Architecture, Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale
de Lausanne, 12, av. de l'Eglise- Anglaise, Case 1024, CH-1001 Lausanne, Switzerland.

© 1984 Elsevier Science Publishing Co., Inc. 52 Vanderbilt Ave., New York, NY 10017 0738-0894/84/$03.00

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262 R J LAWRENCE

The authors disc

thresholds that ac
they briefly refe
analysis of the m
theless, when A
housing competit
Privacy were de
patterns , rangin
croscale of specif
Analysis of the A
from an intimacy
the house permit
kin, or priest. T
reception room (t
house; it is reserv
private domains. T
underplays the no
in Community an
publications of A
In A Pattern Lan
gradient, stating
in a sequence wh
strangers, friend
authors state that
commercial, and p
planning, and illu
Lima, Peru. From

The intimacy gradien

in almost all cultures
a traditional Japane
building type - com

This interpretatio
is coupled with p
former focuses o
inside buildings:

At the main entrance

boundary between in
part may be like an

Alexander et al.
visibility, shelter
of clothing and a
empirical evidenc
public and privat
pological and soci
The intention of
between public an

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TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN 263

ambiguous zones, and that in the context of mode

enables both the spatial and the affective charac

THE CLASSIFICATION AND ORDER OF HOUSES

Several studies in recent years have illustrated the sets of homologous facto
to be considered in the analysis of domestic space. Tambiah's study (1969) o
of Baan Phraan Muan in northeast Thailand describes and interprets how t
classified things - marriage and sex rules, spatial categories in the hous
forest and domesticated animals - relate to the spatial organization of the or
house: the arrangement of interior spaces is related to an east-west axis of
and a progression of raised floor levels, beginning at the entrance to the h
levels are not accidental, but are symbolic of the various values assigned to
divisions inside the house; they create a spatial hierarchy between commun
domains, such as the demarcation of sleeping areas according to kinship an
The internal spatial categories - sleeping quarters, guest-room, wash place,
entrance platform - relate to the raised floor levels. The ground and space u
house is reserved for the arrangement of animals and family possessions.
analyzed the system of explicit ideas that the villagers have about thei
property and how these ideas are related to the spatial order of the house:
The house categories which refer to the physical arrangement of the rooms and floor sp
villagers a direct association with the (categorisation of human beings in relation to sex and
also a relevance for the manner in which the domesticated and forest animals are conceived. The architecture
of the house thus becomes a central grid to which are linked categories of the human and animal world.
(P. 429)

This lucid ethonography has demonstrated that while the physical characteristics of do-
mestic architecture in this Thaï village can be described according to the orientation,
relative position, and demarcation of objects and spaces in the house, such a description
cannot account for the social meaning of domestic space unless the marriage and sex
rules and the categorization of animals in the village are known. In more general terms,
ethnographies like that of Tambiah illustrate that domestic space organization and the
behavior of people included or excluded from various domains of household life are
founded on a homology of ideas including the social categorization of people, space,
plants, and animals. It is the principle of categorization that underlines the ordering of
houses and domestic life. The question this principle raises concerns the expression of
unity and discontinuity in relation to both spatial and social orders. The following sections
of this article illustrate that this question can be answered by focusing upon the socio-
cultural and psychological meaning of domestic space organization. This will be illustrated
with respect to transition spaces, notably the interrelations between inside and outside
the house.
In contrast to a sociocultural perspective, the psychological implications of boundaries
are fundamental, as Altman et al. (1981) have discussed. In general, it is the quality of
the transitions between spatial boundaries that are crucial; often they are a source of
anxiety because they are ambiguous and are in a state of flux over an extended period
of time. This discussion serves to illustrate that it is not the intrinsic qualities of objects
or activities, but rather their differential features which are the bearers of social meaning.
Therefore, in any analysis of the meaning and use of architectural space a distinction

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264 R J LAWRENCE

FIGURE 1 . Diagram
Thailand.

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TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN 265

ought to be made between the spaces, obje

distinctive or differential features that invest
Bachelard (1964) and Eliade (1959) have illu
strong opposition between the outside and in
sification of spaces and objects in several soci
the custom of ritual behavior or the use of d
from one spatial domain to the other. Thus,
not only the demarcation between the inside a
between the sacred and profane worlds. Th
associated with customs, such as the removal o
cult and belief (Raglan, 1964). The decoration
of the front door-step, and symbols of welco
part of this heritage that can still be observe
the strong association between the activities
entering and leaving the house ought to be d
portance of the passage between inside and o
climatic conditions. The entrance hall is the p
occurred before or after crossing the thresh
a person leaves the house his dress and appea
regulated before passing through the front d
act of entering coincides with less rigor in t
domain, such as the wearing of less formal c
Another psychological interpretation has
suggested that the transition space around th
individual and society. This space suggests wh
in terms of the social system. The decoration
of it that is visible to the public can be interp
Whatever perspective one chooses to interp
it is clear that architects and planners have gi
Generally, either the spatial or the affective
have been considered. This article suggests tha
to explore the interaction between both sets
by lay people. This has been possible through
of a housing cooperative. This unique context
briefly.

CONTEXT OF RESEARCH

The context for this study was a small group of people who had decided indep
of this research project, to simulate their future house during the architectu
process, prior to construction. These people were members of a housing coope
used their resources collectively, aided by government financial subsidies, to d
build their own homes. (This kind of enterprise is relatively recent in Switzer
it is becoming popular since it enables people to reduce the cost of owning a h
cooperative was administered by six of its members; they appointed an arc
practice to develop a site plan and aid in the design of each house. The
established a process of participatory design that was applicable to each co
member. After defining specific requirements (related to gross floor area

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266 R J LAWRENCE

constraints, and ch
sketch plans. Thes
houses. The observ
of their future ho
of domestic space
context for this r
here (Lawrence,
completed. Stemm
design of their ho
of transition spa
those cues provide

METHODOLOGY

The research method included several approaches that were considered appro
each phase of the research. The first phase included the observation of the s
process of the full-scale models of the future house. A nonparticipatory app
used to record the sequence of events that occurred. Video tapes, photographs,
plans of the models were employed as the design of each house evolved and a
decisions were made. After the simulation process had been completed,

FIGURE 2. An initial stage in the design-by-simulation process.

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TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN 267

drawing of the full-scale model was made by t

for the research. The second phase included an
home about one month after the simulation
was loosely structured so that the residents di
its relationship to their existing and previous ho
matters about the housing cooperative. Each
hours, was tape-recorded and transcribed. Th
involved the completion of measured drawing
These drawings were supplemented by photog
of furniture and fittings.
The data collected from these diverse source
the design of the future house of each famil
the residents' attention, either during the desi
indepth interview. All of the themes allow a s
the affective and the spatial characteristics of
spective. The use of this approach has made i
experiences not only influence the spatial lay
residents, but also how this spatial orderin
psychological goals that an individual, a coup
This approach will now be illustrated with re

ANALYSIS

A descriptive analysis of the houses that were simulated focused upon the spatial re
between rooms and why the residents chose a particular arrangement (Lawrence,
This analysis will not be repeated here. Instead, the relationship between the
domain of each dwelling and the external communal spaces of the housing cooper
notably the role of the entrance hall as a transition space between these domains, w
considered.

HIERARCHY OF PUBLIC AND PRIVATE DOMAINS

The study reported here showed that a privacy gradient structures the position
spaces, leading from the most accessible, social, and displayed to the most pr
accessible, and unseen. This ordering of space has been discussed elsewher
not be repeated here (Lawrence, 1982). It is noteworthy that the entrance hal
with a visitor's toilet accessible from it) is the most social space in the house
it is demarcated from all other rooms including the living room, the next soci
space. In contrast, the parents' bedroom is the most private space in the hous
digression is important. It must be stressed that this ordering of rooms is cultura
in Austrialia, for example, the parents' bedroom often has a door leading to
entrance hall, thus making it, potentially, as social as the living room.
Bearing in mind this important qualification, the principle of ordering room
to a privacy gradient is not unlike that presented by Alexander et al. (1969).
this principle relates to the relationship between interior spaces rather than the
spaces between inside and outside the house; indeed it is not informative about
and use of the entrance hall.

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268 R.J. LAWRENCE

TRANSITIONS BETWEEN INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HOME

It is instructive to consider how the transition between the exterior public s

interior private spaces of houses has been considered by the residents. This
be interpreted according to architectural, pragmatic, and psychosocial fact

1. how architectural elements (doors, walls, etc.) provide a means of

accessibility and visibility into the dwelling;
2. the use of locks to control the loss of heat when leaving and upon ent
house;
3. its use as a means of controlling the passage of polluted matter into the home,
using "polluted" in an anthropological sense.
Interviews with the residents reveal that there is an intentional manifest function for
the entrance hall that is common to each of the houses. This function is to receive not
only guests, but also uninvited visitors. In each house, the entrance hall has been conceived
as a small, demarcated space to receive people without necessarily taking them into
another space allocated for family living activities:
I think that when one receives somebody one can go to the living room, but if it is somebody not well-
known it is nice to receive them in the entrance hall yet not inside the house. That is why it is better to
have some space to receive people inside the front door and not to lead them inside or to talk with them
at the front door step.1

Although the relationship between the main door, the entrance hall, and the living
room in each house is different, when viewed on the architect's plans, there is a corre-
spondence between their relative positions. In each house, the living room is not visible
from the entrance hall; to enter that room it is necessary to walk the longest dimension
of the hall and/or a flight of steps. The consistent relationship between these two spaces
has been reinforced by the comments of the residents:
The entrance hall is more than a hall, it is a place of reception which is important. When someone rings
the door bell I always answer. This morning there was an epileptic selling handkerchiefs. It is in relation
to people like him who come to the house to sell, to talk. ... A small thing like that (pointing to the
existing entrance hall), is too small to receive people and to talk with them. To receive people inside the
house can be delicate, because some people invite themselves.

In this respect, the entrance hall is considered as a transition space between the place for
family activities (in both a practical and a symbolic sense) and the outside world. The
demarcation between the living room and the entrance hall was intended by the residents,
who were critical of the design of the entrance to their existing flats, in which the front
door opens directly into the living room:
When we moved here we did not see that there was no door between the living room and the entrance
hall . . . We abide by the principle that the living room can be isolated from the comings and goings at
any time. We like to feel alone and private, and there is more privacy since we put a door there.
Now it is common for the entrance hall to be just a corridor. We have suffered living here, and in other
flats. Here the entrance is lost space, badly designed, too small for a piece of furniture, the child's pram,
hanging space for clothes. ... it certainly is not ideal.

There is a strong conformity between the provision of facilities and objects in the
entrance hall of each new house. Reference can be made to the provision of a toilet for
use by visitors; it is preferred that they do not use the family bathroom. Furthermore, it

1 All quotations included here have been translated from French by the author.

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TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN 269

has been observed that provision for hang

made in each of the houses:

On the right-hand side there will be three cupboards for hanging clothes and in the future an umbrella stand
and storage space for other things will be provided.

It is necessary to provide space for taking off clothing when entering the house.
We want to put some coat hangers in the space leading from the main door to the stair case.

Thus, cloakroom facilities were commonly considered as an integral part of the entrance
hall by the residents in this study, and such furniture was usually simulated in the study
(Lawrence, 1982). The strong association between the entrance hall and activities of
partial dressing and undressing at the time of entering or leaving the house can be
considered as an important index of the significance of the passage between the public
and the private domains of residential environments. As Goffmann (1959) has stressed,
the interpretation of personal dress beyond the home cannot be reduced to climatic factors
alone.
In sum, the entrance hall is the transition space par excellence between inside and
outside. It controls the access of people and objects between private and public domains,
and it regulates the admission of wanted, unpolluted matter and unwanted polluted matter
inside the house, which is symbolic rather than secular. Moreover, this demarcation can
be related to male and female domains. In general terms, the house has been attributed
a female connotation, whereas a garage or workshop has a male connotation (Oakley,
1974). In anthropological terms, pollution can enter a house if there is no boundary
between inside and outside, private and public, clean and dirty, female and male. In
spatial terms, the residents suggest that the transition between these categories will be
provided by the entrance hall in the future house. Hence the connotation of the entrance
hall can be classified according to the following binary codes:
inside female private nonpolluted
outside male public polluted
According to this interpretation, the entrance hall has a spatial order and purpose that is
explicit and specific: it is intended to regulate the access of people and objects between
private and public domains; it is required to control visibility between the exterior and
the interior; it is not simply a space to store umbrellas and coats, but is a place where
personal appearance can be controlled; it is not just a passage between exterior and interior
spaces, but is a space where people other than guests (the postman, salesmen, etc.) can
be received. This interpretation of the entrance hall can be contrasted with the current
practice of designing flats and houses without an entrance hall such that the main door
opens directly into the living room.
The preceding discussion considers the transition from the public, exterior domain of
residential areas to the private interior spaces of the dwelling in terms of the underlying
sociocultural pattern. In this sense, the design of a dwelling is a setting in which the
residents create their daily household life and establish contacts with the larger community.
How people do this is not soley dependent on the spatial characteristics of homes, but
also on other factors including their goals and intentions and past residential experience.
Therefore, the study of domestic space organization should be enlarged to include an
analysis of how people behave according to explicit norms and rules (i.e., should the
bathroom door be shut and locked while that room is being used) and implicit codes and
controls (i.e., one does not pass from the entrance hall into the living room until invited).

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270 R J LAWRENCE

FIGURE 3. A Euler
residents.

SYNTHESIS

The role of the entrance hall as a fundamental spatial component in the transitio
public and private domains is represented in Figure 3. All exterior shared spac
the entrance door of each dwelling unit is freely accessible and visible, whereas t
interior space is neither freely accessible or visible. Moreover, whereas the exter
are profane, the dwelling is symbolic; the entrance hall not only controls
visibility between these two domains but, from an anthropological perspective, it
polluted matter. In sum, the entrance hall is an ambiguous space, neither p
private, neither sacred nor profane, which is attributed a spatial form and ritual
to inhibit unwanted matter from contaminating hearth and home.
The design of dwellings, specifically the thresholds and transitions linking pr
public domains, has an important symbolic value for the residents. The spatial
the entrance hall is but one mean of defining the transition between public an
spaces in residential environments in terms of the affective meaning of these s
meaning is not only defined in terms of the social status of people who co
house, but also in terms of normative rules and rituals about the connotation
space. It can be concluded that the act of expressing the demarcation between th
and public realms of dwellings cannot be divorced from the tacit meaning of th
and how they are appropriated by the residents.

DISCUSSION

Diverse interpretations of transition spaces in domestic environments have been r

in this paper. Stemming from the seminal work of Chermayeff and Alexander
this paper has endeavored to diversify current interpretations of the relationship
the exterior and the interior of dwellings by

1. illustrating how some social anthropologists and social psychologists have i

preted this relationship;

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TRANSITION SPACES AND DWELLING DESIGN 271

2. showing how the observation and evaluati

a new housing scheme has enabled the tacit
comprehended.

The methodology for this second approach is d

used in the design and evaluation of reside
more akin to field work undertaken by social
than prescribed experimental techniques. The
edges that beyond the design and manifest u
sets of ideas and values that endow houses an
in contrast to design patterns or guidelines t
form (while underplaying implicit factors), th
of housing research and design practice to
interaction between the affective and the spat

This article presents some of the results of a research pr

credit No. 1.064-0.77, which terminated August 31, 198
the research assistance of Claire Charton is gratefully a

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Eliade M (1969) The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion. New York: Harcourt, Brace
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Goffman E (1959) The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Doubleday.
Lawrence R (1982) A "living" laboratory for home design. Building Research and Practice.
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Oakley A (1974) The Sociology of Housework. New York: Pantheon Books.

Palmade J (1972) Symbolism and practice in the context of living space. In National Swedish
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Raglan Lord (1964) The Temple and the House. New York: Norton.
Tambiah S (1969) Animals are good to think and good toprohibit. Ethnology , 8:423-459.

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