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Chapter : IV
MAPPILA MUSLIMS OF MALABAR
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The state of Kerala lies at the southern most tip of the sub-continent, only

in 360 miles north-south and the average width is 70 miles. Bounded by the Arabian

Sea on the west and the Western Ghats on the east, the state has an area of 15,002

square miles. East to west the state is divided into three segments geographically,

namely, the sea coast, the middle land and the high land hilly area.

Geographical features have played a crucial role in determining the socio-

cultural character of the population. The opening to the Arabian sea had been an

influencing factor for the arrival of religions including Islam on the Malabar coast.

‘The sea has been the permanent and decisive factor in the history of Kerala. Such

religions as Judaism, Christianity and Islam came to Kerala by sea’ (Sreedharamenon,

1967 : 5f).

4.1. MAPPILA MUSLIMS

History of the community reveals that it was coextensive with history

of Islam in India. Before coming to the history proper, it may be interesting to note

the etymology of the term Mappila.

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Several opinions have been advanced about the origin of the word Mappila.

According to Lewis Moore, the meaning of ‘Mappila’ is bride-groom or son-in-law

(Moore, 1870 : 13). In the opinion of Day, ‘they no doubt are descended from Arab

fathers, who traded to this coast and formed fugitive alliances with Teear (Thiyar) or

Chogan (Fisherman). The children never appear to have been claimed by the fathers,

the fact the very word, ‘Mappila’ is said to have been derived from mother, ma and

child pilla, showing to whose care the offspring, fell’ (Day, 1863 : 366). Percy Badger

, editor of The Travels of Ludovico d’ Varthoma, a Portchugese traveller, observers

that, ‘the name is either a corruption of the Arabic Muflih (from the root falah , to till

the soil) meaning prosperous or victorious, in which sense it would apply to the

successful establishment of these foreign Mussalmans on the Western Coast of India,

or that it is a similar corruption of Maflih (the active participle from the same verb) an

agriculturalist, a still more appropriate designation of the Mappilas, who according to

Buchanan, are both traders and farmers’ (Badger, 1890 : 123). According to Logan,

‘the word Mappila is a contraction of maha (great) and pilla (child), honorary title, (as

among the Nayars and Christians in Travancore) and it was probably a title of honour

conferred on the early Mohammadan immigrants’ (Logan, 1951 : 191). The Jews and

Syrian Christians in Kerala are also called Mappilas. The Jews are Juda Mappila, the

Syrian Christians are Nazrani Mappila (from Nazrane) and Muslims are ‘Jonaka

Mappila’. Jonaka may have come from the word Yavanaka (Greek) used for all

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foreigners as the word European was indiscriminately used for all Westerners’

(Miller, 1976: 30). However, the precise development of the term Mappila as applied

to the Muslim community in Kerala, especially to muslims in North Kerala, is likely

to remain obscure.

The Mappilas as a muslim community originated after few centuries of the

beginning of the Islam in Arabia. The query on origin of the Mappila muslims is

incomplete without reference to Cheraman Perumal, who was reigning at Kodungallur

in Malabar as head quarters of Perumal rule. Tradition tells that the ruler has gone to

Mecca and embraced Islam religion. After planning to return to Kerala, he fell into ill

health, died at Zafar on the Arabian coast. Before his death, he wrote letters to his

chieftains in Kerala calling upon to provide all facilities for to spread the new religion.

Later Malik Ibn Dinar and associates landed at Kodungallur and travelled to the

different parts of Kerala, and established 10 mosques.

The Hindu tradition contained in the Keralolpathi agrees in general with the

Muslim tradition. ‘The main difference is that before his emigration, the Perumal

partitioned his kingdom among his relatives and dependants’ (Kunju, 1995 : 17-18)

M. G. S Narayanan affirms, ‘There is no reason to reject the tradition that the last

Chera King embraced Islam (His name was Rama) and went to Mecca, since it finds a

place not only in Muslim Chronicles, also in Hindu Brahminical Chronicles like

Keralolpathi, which need not be expected to concoct such a tale, which in no way

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enhances the prestige, or further the interest of the Brahmin or Hindu population

(Narayanan, 1990 : 65). The earliest recorded version of the tradition is contained in

the ‘Book of Durate Burbosa’, the Portuguese writer, of the early 16th century. Berros,

the official historian of the Portuguese gives similar account of the conversion of the

last Perumal.

Muslim and Hindu traditions as well as travel records agree with the

conversion of Cheraman Perumal. But there are serious differences of opinion

regarding the time of the event. Historical evidences deny the possibility of the

meeting of the last Perumal with Prophet, as there is definite epigraphical evidence of

the existence of a kingdom of Perumal between 800 and 1122 AD. If the origin of

Islam was connected with emigration of the last Perumal, it would have happened

only in 12th century. An inscription of Madai Mosque dated 1124 AD was built by

Malik Ibn Dinar, the first muslim missionary to Kerala. ‘This mosque is one of the ten

mosques reputed to have been built by Malik Ibn Dinar, the companion of Cheraman

Perumal during his sojourn in Arabia, and who was deputed by the Perumal to

propagate the new religion in Kerala. Theinscription in the mosque, dated only two

years after the emigration of the Perumal, suggests that the tradition of his conversion

and emigration is quite possible’. (Kunju, 1990 : 21).

Tomb of Panthalayani Kollam (Near Koyilandy), North Malabar depicted 782

AD, shows the possibility of Islam in Kerala in 8th century. The presence of a large

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number of old tomb-stones presupposes the existence of an early muslim settlement

there. Another significant evidence to prove the existence of influential trading

communities in the port-town of Kerala is provided by the Tarisappalli Copper plate

grant (849 AD). This grant proves the influence of the trading groups including Arab

Muslims in the affair of the local kingdoms.

Sheik Zaynuddin, author of ‘Thuhfat ul- Mujahidin’ has expressed that Islam

must have originated in the 9th century, most probably it must have been two hundred

years after Hijrah (632 AD).

Even today we have not ample conclusive evidence to prove the exact date of

the origin of Islam in Kerala, we have only ‘strong circumstantial evidence to prove

that Islam originated in Kerala as soon as it spread in Arabia’ (Kunju, 1990 : 21-22).

Out of all these available evidences it is concluded that the Mappila Muslim

community originated shortly after the beginning of Islam itself. They were the first

muslims in India. That is, the community has had a long glorious tradition.

4.2. GROWTH AND EVOLUTION

The major factor for the rapid popularity and spread of Islam was the socio-

cultural environment of Kerala. The patronage given by Hindu rulers to muslim

community was exemplary. It was the result of a mutual dependency. The native

rulers received support from the muslim traders settled down in different places of

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Malabar, in turn promoting the reputation as an excellent and safe place for trade;

Eventually resulted in the economic prosperity and political stability of the kingdoms.

‘Among the rulers of Kerala, it was the Zamorin of Calicut who showed special

regard to Muslims’ (Kunju, 1990 : 29). K. V. Krishna Aiyar point out, Mappila

Muslims ‘not only made Calicut the greatest port of the West Coast of India, they

even helped to spread the name and fame of Zamorin’ ( Aiyar, 1938 : 52 ). This

mutual dependency was the force behind growth of the Zamorin kingdom and

Mappila Muslims in Kerala. Even the conversion was supported by Zamorin.

‘Zamorin is said to have ordered that one member from every fishermen family

should be converted to Islam’ (Kunju, 1990 : 32). Conversions were not limited to

fishermen, but included other lower castes. One major reason for the conversion was

status mobility assured to converts, Gasper Correa, 16th century Portuguese traveller,

reports, ‘By becoming Moors (Muslims) they could go wherever they liked and eat as

they pleased. When they became Moors, the Moors gave them clothes and robes with

which to cloth themselves’ (Correa, 1849 : 155f). The converted were accepted by all

in the community. This social acceptance was a major cause for the emergence of

Mappila Muslims as a community.

The spread of Islam in Kerala was associated with missionary activities too.

‘The tradition of Malik Ibn Dinar and his associates who spread the religion of Islam

in Kerala itself indicates the first missionary activity’ (Kunju, 1990: 24). They

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travelled all along Kerala and erected ten mosques, in Quilon (Kollam), Kodungallur,

Chaliyam, Panthalayani Kollam, Srikantapuram, Dharmadam, Madai, Kasargod,

Mangalore and Barkur. Later Sufi missionaries entered into Muslim social life. Many

became most influencial Sufis and other religious leaders, settled in Kondotty,

Mampuram, and Kozhikode have made a strong impression of the community. And

Mappila Muslims as a community became a reality soon. Thus Islam grew as it began

and it grew steadily, so the Mappila Muslims too. Then the political climate have

paved the way for the growth of Islam in Kerala. ‘The first eight centuries of Mappila

growth following the establishment of Islam in Kerala were marked by a calm

forward movement. The peaceful contact and development stands in sharp contrast to

the progress of Islam in North India’ (Miller, 1975 : 51).

Travellers have noted the growth and strength of Mappila Muslims. Marco

Polo (1293), Abu-Fida (1273-1331), Ibn Battuta (1304-1369), and Abdul- al- Razzaq

were those who have visited Malabar and marked the relevance and strength of the

muslim community. ‘Ibn Battuta found muslim merchants and muslim houses in most

districts of Northern and Central Kerala’ (Miller, 1976 : 56).

A political reason was also noted. The growth of Mappila population was

strengthened by the rise of the Ali Raja, head of the Arakkal ruling family of Kannur,

the only Muslim ruler family in Kerala. It maintains descent from the early days of

Mappilas. The royal family was with independent status, even became a custodians of

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Lakshadweep Islands. They became powerful to give patronage to Mappila Muslims

as a community. When Durte Barbosa visited Kerala he remained in Calicut for

several years. He estimated that Mappilas are ‘so many and so rooted in the soil

throughout Malabar that it seems to be they are a fifth part of its people spread over

all its kingdoms and provinces’ (Barbosa, 1831 : 74). He has mentioned mainly about

the coastal areas, probably the Mappila Muslim settlements, and the progress of Islam

in the interior regions of Kerala is not known. Later Zein-Ud-Din estimated that of the

total population of Malabar ten percentage were muslims. (Zein-Ud- Din, 1833 : 59).

When the Portuguese landed, Mappila Muslims were powerful enough to influence

the rulers, mainly through their trade and love towards the country.

4.3. THE PORTUGUESE AND MAPPILAS

After the arrival of Portuguese at the end of the 15th century, the situation

changed drastically. The hatred towards colonialism and the conflict of Mappila

Muslims with Portuguese adversely affected their political status. It also affected the

harmony between the Hindu rulers and Mappila community. On this matter Miller has

stated that religiously the Mappilas were in a psychological retreat. While their rapid

increase along the coast was never restored after the Portuguese period as they turned

to inland in search of new livelihoods the Mappilas met outcastes who were in need of

change (Miller, 1976 : 83).

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The political power attained by the Europeans, and the anxiety developed

towards the Hindu rulers had caused alienation and uncertainity to Mappila Muslims.

In 16th and 17th centuries they moved to different occupations other than trade and

business. Slowly the community crossed the boundaries of port town and moved

towards the interior localities. The invasion of Mysore kings, Hyder Ali and Tippu

Sultan, and later incidents increased the population.

Mappilas welcomed the changes brought-about by the Mysore rulers. One

among them was social distance that developed with Hindu communities, especially

with Nayars. Conversions occurred willingly and forcefully. Miller confirmed :

Family names, the existence of wealthy muslim land owners and the prevalence of the

marumakkathayam system of inheritance among north Malabar Mappilas a sign that

such conversion as there was in Hyder Ali’s time largely took place in that region.

Tippu Sultan, the successor of Hyder-Ali also was in the same track. Majumdar point

out, ‘he forced conversion only on those recalicitrant, Hindus on whose allegiance he

could not rely’ (Majumdar, 1948 : 715). Even though the period of Mysore rule was

for a short period, it gave the Mappilas a much needed psychological boost. It might

have supported the increase in the population. ‘Although statistics are not available,

the size of the Mappila community must have increased sharply during this period

despite the relatively short reigns of muslim rulers’ (Miller, 1976 : 94). 63.9% of the

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increase of Mappila Muslim population in the period of 1871-1911 is considered to be

a reflection of this patronage.

The muslim peasants in South Malabar were not having any claim on land,

and they were exploited severely by the feudal lords. The small as well as strong

agitations of muslim peasants in that period was natural consequence of these

suppressions and exploitations. During the period, 1821-1921 a total of fifty one

Mappila rebellions occurred. ‘To sensitive observers it was clear that this was not

finally a problem of law and order, but the problem of an alienated community’

(Miller, 1976 : 109). The 1921 outbreak was a serious setback in the growth of

Mappila Muslims, is both physically and psychologically affected. Thousands were

killed, imprisoned and sent to Andaman islands. Mappila Muslims had to face a tough

time.

4.4. POLITICAL STAND

Immediately after the Rebellion of 1921, because of the intense sufferings and

miseries, Mappila Muslims lost the political direction. But, Mappilas were involved in

freedom movement, through the Khilafat Movement first under the flag of Indian

National Congress. They were active in the Salt Satyagraha, Indian Political

Conferences and later Quit India Movement. It has been pointed out that a divisive

policy had been developed in the Hindu Congress leaders after Mappila Rebellion.

‘Mappilas were sharing the growing feeling of Indian Muslims that the Congress

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leadership was not sufficiently sympathetic to muslim needs and desires’ (Miller,

1976 : 160). The attitude of many Congress leaders led to the alienation of Mappilas

from the Congress movement. Reform movements initiated by Vakkom Moulavi and

involvement of organizations like Aikyasangam and Kerala Muslim Majlis ‘had

forged a new kind of unity among the Mappilas with the awareness of a new destiny

for the community’ (Menon, 1976 : 13). The anti modern consciousness was replaced

by modern aspirations. This consciousness was an amalgam of Islamic, Indian and

Malayalee identities. This new identity was exposed with formation of Muslim

League. And for the last eight decades it played a crucial role in the political activities

of Mappila Muslims. They have power many times both in the central and state

governments and played a key role especially in the state politics. They have opted a

policy of working with different parties like CPM and Congress on the basis of

programmes with goals appropriate to muslim interests. Two important facts remain

to be mentioned, Muslim League enjoyed the mass support from Mappila Muslims

especially in Northern districts. Also Muslim League had an undeniable role in the

integration of the community amidst the forces that significant portions of the

community belong to CPM and Congress parties.

4.5. SOCIO-CULTURAL BACKGROUNDS

It is interesting to go through the socio-cultural aspects of the Mappila

Muslims for a better understanding of their unique cultural traits.

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Traditional Mappila Muslims are distinguishable by their dress and dialect.

The common dress among men comprises of mundu, a piece of cloth tied round the

loins and reaching down to the ankles, a shirt preferably with full sleeves. Their mode

of wearing the mundu is tying it round the waist by tucking the two ends at either side,

and the upper flap fixed at the left hand side. For non-Muslims the upper flap will be

fixed at the right hand side. The dress of the traditional Mappila women is also

distinctive, they wear Kaachi, white or coloured cloth, if it is white sometimes

coloured bluish or reddish at the fringe. Kaachi in white without colour at the fringe

was seen in Thalassery, Mahe and Kannur, and the other was popular in Kozhikode,

Koyilandy and Vatakara; coloured Kaachis were used in Malappuram. They wore a

blouse which reached below the waist and a white cloth called thattam to cover the

head and breast. Local variations in dressing pattern have seen among the Mappila

Muslim women.

New generations of women can be grouped into four categories on the basis of

dressing pattern. (a) Wearing sari with full sleeved or half sleeved blouse, and some

cover the head with one end of the sari; (b) Salvar and Kammis, with a scraf to cover

the head and breast; (c) Youngsters who wear jeans and kurta or skirt with shirt. (d)

Those who wear Purdha in black or other dark colours, which entered into Mappila

women life very recently. Another common change in the women’s dress irrespective

of whether they wear sari or salvar is the use of mufta as head cover. In Thalassery

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and Kannur, tight blouse is used, in Kozhikode, Koyilandy, and Vatakara loose blouse

is the fashion for the middle aged. In Malappuram the blouse does not come to the

waist. Thus the locality has an influence on this matter. Whether, male or female, an

educated Mappila can not be distinguished from a member of any other community on

the basis of his/ her dressing patterns.

4.5.1. RELIGION

The Mappila Muslims belong to the Shafi school of Sunni sect. Shafi

school has always been dominant in the region of the Arab mariners, all along the

coast of Arabia. ‘Wherever Islam has been introduced through the peaceful influence

of Arab traders and sailors, it is this school that has been adopted by the followers’.

(D’ Souza, 1976 : 169). They follow Quran the holy script and Hadith the collection

of sayings of Prophet and on Prophet’s life. The faith is founded on three roots : ‘(i)

there is but one God ( Allah ) self existing, ever was and ever will be, in whom in all

power, Majesty and Domination, by whom all things are and were created, with

whom is neither partner or substance and He alone is to be worshipped, (ii) the

Prophets were all true and their writings are to be relied on with a true faith, and

Mohammed is the last Prophet and Quran is the creation of God ( Allah ), and (iii)

resurrection of the dead on the day of judgment is certain’ (Levy, 1961 : 242). The

five commandments of Islam are : (i) the profession of faith that there is no God but

Allah and that Mohammed is His last messenger, (ii) ritual prayer, namaz, five times a

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day, (iii) fasting in Ramazan, (iv) Zakath or giving alms, and (v) Hajj, the pilgrimage

to Mecca.

When compared to with other Muslims in Kerala, it is observed that Mappila

Muslims are more religious and ritualistic. Most of the Muslim organizations are very

much active in North Kerala. Mappila Muslims are more involved in the muslim

organizational activities, than Muslims of the South Kerala. The Mappila Muslims

mainly belong to Sunni and Mujahid groups. Two Sunni organizations (commonly

called as Samastha and Markhaz groups), two Mujahid organizations (recently had the

split among Kerala Nadvatul Mujahidin) and Jama-at –Islami. Sunni groups come

under the orthodox sects who are observing the traditional customs, rituals and

practices. They worship the cenotaph of martyrs, Sufis, Saints etc.

Mujahid movements started nearly 60 years ago in North Kerala. The

theological reform tended to be publicly represented by the Mujahids. At the

beginning it was opposed by the orthodox group later it gathered an increasing

number of sympathizers, and was formally organized Nadvat-ul-Mujahideen in 1952.

It was a progressive organization with a view to enlighten the muslim mass on

scientific lines, and they propagated their ideologies extensively through writing and

teaching. ‘They engaged in extensive publication programmes, the effect of which

continues to be widely felt, and they came down hard on the side of modern

education’ (Miller, 1976 : 275).

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Sunni leaders have taken an open stand against Mujahids, and conflict

continued for more than three decades. To hasten the process of reform the Mujahids

began to establish their own madrasas, religious schools and their own mosques. Now

there are two fractions among the Mujahid since (2002).

Jama-at-Islami (usually others call as Jama-attukar) is another organization,

founded on the ideological propositions of Abul-Ala-Moudoodi. They have their own

religious leaders and teachers, training institutions, separate syllabus based madrasa

education, organizations for welfare programmes and publication units.

4.5.2. ‘CASTE’ GROUPS

Two to three endogamous caste-like groups are seen among Mappila Muslims,

usually identified in different group names like Tharawadikal,

Tharawattukar, or Onnam number, Pooslans (Randam) and Thangals are aristocrats

considered to be converts from Nayars and Brahmins. ‘Most of this lineage appear to

be those aristocrats who get large land, gifts and wholesale trading rights from native

rulers’. (Puthenkalam, 1977 : 201). They are settled down in coastal belt of Malabar.

Pooslans or Randamnumber are supposed to be descendants of converts from

polluting Hindu castes, especially from fishermen. Both groups live together in the

same locality, even in adjacent houses, inter-dining freely, and worship together in

same mosques. Thangals who belong to Sayyid or Jifri clan, who consider themselves

belong to Prophet’s kin. Earlier these groups practiced endogamy strictly. With the

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new trends and changes brought about as an impact of modern education, new job

opportunities, reform movements and migration, the rule of endogamy has been

broken, but still majority prefer to stick on to the traditional rule. In recent years the

rigidity of the rules and regulations governing the behaviours of higher and lower

groups has got reduced.

4.5.3. HOUSING

Aristocratic houses are in the old pattern, made on the basis of Kerala

architecture, seem to be muslim version of nalukettu, the Nayar ancestoral house.

They have padippura, gate house and long kolaya (varanda), all are legacies of Hindu

architecture. In the traditional Muslim tharawad there will be two huge window like

rectangular openings on the wall facing the varanda with a thick wooden closnrell

which when unfolded can be used as a sturdy bench. This is called irunira (thappa, in

Mahe). In the adjacent room, in between kolaya and naduvakam (Central Hall) there

will be two built-in platforms on both the sides to the entrance called kottil.

Traditionally it was used as sleeping place of unmarried adult males or for performing

rituals like ratib or moulood. In naduvakam, usually in the left side, there will be

wooden staircase leading to the first floor hall from where the passages are

constructed to the aras (private rooms of visiting husbands). There will be a square or

rectangular opening on the roof with transparent tiles atop the naduvakam through

which sky comes into view, and get good ventilation, called nalakkayya similar to

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nadumittam in nalukettu. From naduvakam there will be doors on three sides to the

rooms for the women and the aged. Usually husbands are put-up in the rooms on the

first floor, where they spend the whole night and seldom come down or mingle with

other women folk in the wifehouse, since they are not to see or speak to other grown

up women in wife’s house. Husbands take their breakfast in their room. For husbands

if possible, they provide attached toilet room.

The middle class house is rectangular in shape, a miniature of tharawad with

ground floor only. It also consist of aras for couples. The lower class houses are

thatched or tiled and seen in cluster, usually on the river side or sea shore. They are

small in size, with one or two rooms without toilet facilities. The modern houses of

Mappila Muslims are like the other communities dwelling units.

4.5.4. KINSHIP ORGANISATION

The Mappila Muslims have two types of kinship organization, namely

patrilineal and matrilineal. Majority practice the first and minority the second type.

The patrilineal muslims predominate in the interior of South Malabar,

particularly in Malappuram and Palakkad districts and interior suburban areas of

coastal region of Kozhikode and Kannur. Patrilineals have a clan, several families

related in the male line called as tharawad. It is basically exogamous. Great

grandfather or grandfather or father is the head of the household called karanavar.

He acts as the head in all household activities and on all ceremonial occasions.

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Clan exogamy insists not to marry from the male line, such as children of

brothers. There is no objection to the children of two sisters or a brother and sister

marrying each other as they belong to the different patrilineal tharawads. Thus

tharawads form an endogamous group as marriages between members of the same

patrilineal tharawad is prohibited.

Among the patrilineal Mappila Muslims a married woman lives in the house

of her husband after marriage. Usually a husband will not be involved in any

household matters of wife’s tharawad. The children will be brought up in father’s

family. The property is divided according to the Islamic law of inheritance. But in

certain localities the house will be given to the eldest son, but in some other to the

youngest son.

4.6. MOTHER-RIGHT FAMILY

The mother-right Mappila Muslims constitute a minority, mainly among the

muslims living in the coastal region. The kinship units found among the Mappilas

closely resemble the matrilineal units of the Nayars of Central Kerala, with some

modifications. The matrilineal units are called tharawads or Puras. It comprises of the

members who can trace their ancestry in the female line to a common female ancestor.

Every individual acquires rights in the tharawad by birth. These rights include the co-

ownership of the tharawad property and the right to have a share if and when the

property is divided by the common consent. In the traditional days individuals were

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not allowed to procure personal property, if he does it will be added to tharawad

property. If personal property is allowed, the self acquired property, presently does

not go to tharawad but divided according to Shariat rules of Muslim Law, and this

was legalized by the Mappila Succession Act of 1918.

The basic kinship group was typically matrilineal characterized by the absence

of the husband or father in it. Members found in the traditional units were related

consanguineously. The living members of a matrilineal Mappila Muslim household

might belong to different generations which might vary from three to five, sometimes

even more than five. The persons of the living generation might not even remember

the original ancestress from whom tharavad had sprung-up.

The eldest female member in the tharawad will be the karanavathi. The eldest

male member is having sole authority over the management of tharawad. Usually the

husbands visited their wives every night, reaching after supper and left after the

breakfast. The practice of the husband staying permanently in the tharawad of his life

is rare in Koyilandy, Vadakara and Kozhikode Districts. He has to depend mainly up

on the resources of his wife’s tharawad. Although he is entitled to a share of income

from his own tharawad, in practice such payments are not made to persons residing in

their wive’s tharawads.

Once the husband takes up the full responsibility of looking after his wife and

children, he attaches himself more and more to his wife’s house, where as previously,

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he would only take his breakfast in his wife’s house, now he may take all his meals

there. At the same time he will keep connections with his own tharawad by visiting it

often. The attachment of husband to his wife’s house is related with age too, as the

age increases the attachment also increases.

House is a common property of tharawad, and it is indivisible. It will be

handed down to daughter, and daughter’s children and so on. In most cases the house

is the only common tharawad property. In certain tharawads there are some

immovable common property like shop, go-down, and coconut groves. This is also

not divisible, but enjoyed in common by the members of the tharawad.

The kinship system of the matrilineal Mappila Muslims are also reflected in

their names : They prefix the name of the matrilineal tharawad with personal name

and suffix surname, like Puthiya Nalakath Fazal Mohammed. The patrilineal Mappila

Muslims always prefix name of the fathers house, like Kalladi Kammappa. Usually

people identify the prestige of the person from the prefixed name of the tharawad.

Thus the system of names provides a device for tracing the lineage of a person and the

status given to his or her clan. Among the Thangals, they use the name of the

patrilineal tharawad with their name, but in practice they are also observers of

matrilocality.

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4.7. MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CEREMONIES

The matrliny is closely associated with the system of marriage and residential

pattern. For Mappila Muslims, marriage is a civil contract. Nikah is the important

religious ceremony of a muslim marriage. But consummation of marriage can take

place only after holding a function called kalyanam. Nikah can be ceremonised

months or years ahead of the kalyanam. If nikah is not performed in advance of the

kalyanam function both functions are conducted on the same day. Among the

matrilineal Mappila Muslims nikah is held in bride’s house or in local mosque. Nikah

is ceremonised by a religious leader or a respected person of the community.

Women of tharawad have an active role in the conduct of the marriage. It is

generally the boy’s mother, sisters of mother, sisters and other senior women member

of tharawad that involve in the matter. The formal betrothal ceremony takes place at

the boy’s family. The elder male members meet to declare the proposal and fix a date

for marriage. This function is called nischayam.

Preparations for kalyanam start earlier. Among the preparatory ceremonial

rites, the decoration of bridal chamber will be started. The decoration of maniyara

(bridal chamber) is taken as a matter of prestige for aristocrats. It depicts the financial

conditions of both the parties. If the bridegroom comes from an affluent and

aristocratic family, bride’s family will be very cautious in arranging the maniyara

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suitable to satisfy the status of both families. The day before kalyanam guests prefer

to visit maniyara and express their opinion.

The day before kalyanam, is auspicious for the whole family members.

Relatives and friends will be invited for the dinner of that day, and the function is

called mailanchi kalyanam. Mailanchi literally means henna and the ceremony

consists of applying henna paste juice to the palm, nails, toes and feet of the bride.

Dressed up bride will be seated in the centre, and the senior most female member

from her father’s family, usually her father’s sister (her ammaayi) initiates the

ceremony. Then senior women will apply henna on her palm, by putting a dot

symbolically one by one. The experts apply the remainder. That activities will be

accompanied by oppana (Mappila folk dance, a Muslim version of kaikottikkali). On

the same day night a function for friends and relatives will be organized, usually with

a mehfil, a music concert of old songs, in bridegroom’s house.

Kalyanam may be regarded as the most important function of Mappila

Muslims. Kalyanam lasts for the whole day with many ritualistic acts. It begins with

thedippokal, a group of youngsters move to bridegroom’s house to take him to the

bride’s house. At midday bridegroom reaches at the bride’s house with friends and

relatives. Delicious food is served to all the guests who have been invited by the

bride’s family and to all those who accompany the bridegroom. The ceremony of

arayilakkal is an important event in bride’s house, The bridegroom is taken to

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maniyara. The bride is also taken to the chamber accompanied by oppana singers and

women. Garlands or rings are exchanged, and bridegroom hands over the mahar, if it

is not given at the time of nikah. The bridegroom will return with friends and relatives

to his family. Immediately women from bridegroom’s house move to bride’s house to

take her to bridegroom’s house, and this ceremony is called pudukkam. When she has

gone to his house, the ladies from bride’s house will be visiting bridegroom’s house

and take back the bride to her house, it is called marupudukkam. At night bridegroom

with close relatives and friends will reach at bride’s house, it is called

moodayumpanam. A five course dinner will be served, and bridegroom remain there.

Ceremoniously bride is brought to maniyara by women folk and the reluctant bride is

pushed into the chamber and close the door. This is called arayilakkal, literally means

‘pushing to the room’.

The visit of elderly women to the bridegroom’s house, called ammayi

thakkaram is conducted on the second or third day of kalyanam. Bridegroom’s

relatives are also invited to bridegroom’s house. Bridegroom will be treated with

respect for the coming days, sometimes it may prolong to the first forty days.

Regional variations are seen in the functions, but basically, most of the rituals

are common. The most important thing is, marriage is considered to be very important

for Mappila Muslims and it is designed to glitter their social life. From Islamic point

of view muslim marriage is simple and universal in nature. The essential requirements

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of a Mappila Muslims marriage are : (a) the marriage partner should not be chosen

from among the person of certain degree of relationship, (b) the parties to a marriage

should give their full consent, (c) the bridegroom should pay a contracted amount or

ornament called mahar to his wife; (d) the marriage contract or nikah should be

solemnized in the presence of witnesses by a respected person, usually by khazi the

local leader in the mahallu or area. The Mappila Muslims marriage should satisfy all

these Islamic requirements. But their local customs may mix with the Islamic

practices.

4.8. DIVORCE

Islamic law and injunctions regulate the procedures of divorce and remarriage.

A divorce is affected by the mere pronouncement or with prime consultations between

two parties of the formula of talak, or repudiation, three times in immediate

succession by a man, which implies he is giving up the rights over and the obligations

towards the wife. Then through khazi or leader of religious organization they belong

to, the divorce will be religiously sanctioned. According to Muslim Law, talak is

revocable if the formula is pronounced only once or twice, and in such cases the

husband can take back the wife or reunion may take place. The Islamic Law

prescribes that a woman who has attained puberty and whose marriage has been

consummated can not remarry to her earlier husband until she has been married to and

divorced by another man. This is strictly practiced by Mappila Muslims too.

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Under certain circumstances a woman also enjoys the legal right to get

divorced, and this is called fask. The important grounds for divorce by fask include :

chronic disease of husband, serious physical defects of man, incompatibility between

partners, inability of husband to provide support and desertion or ill treatment by the

husband.

A Muslim woman cannot remarry immediately after divorce. A divorced

woman who has attained puberty has to wait for three menstrual periods before she

can remarry, and this is known as iddah period. The regulation of the Islamic Law

aims at confirming that the woman is not pregnant by her previous husband. In case

she is found to be pregnant, she can marry only forty days after confinement.

It is noted by scholars that divorce is comparatively low among Matrilineal

Mappila Muslims than the patrilineals. Fask is rarely practised.

4.9. BIRTH AND DEATH CEREMONIES

The rituals and practices among the matrilineal Mappila Muslims connected

with birth and death are elaborate. Immediately after the delivery the child would be

washed in luke-warm water and dried with a piece of soft cloth. The eldest male in the

tharawad or available at that moment will recite the bank or aazaan, call for prayer

usually made in mosques, into the ears of the newborn.

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After delivery the woman is taken care of by her family, a trained mid-wife is

appointed, called eettukarathi, to attend to the woman and newborn for a few weeks.

Husband’s family will provide an amount for delivery expenses (pettuchelavu).

Usually husband can’t sleep or take food from wife’s house till the celebration of 40th

day of delivery, called nalpuli. Womenfolk from husbands family give gifts to infant

and mother on the occasion of nalpuli (giving kandosarams). Shaving or Tonsuring

the head of the new born is an important ritual called mudikalachil, and this is also

conducted with lot of celebrations. Husband’s family will sacrifice a young bull and

distribute it’s meat among all kinsmen.

When a male child, attains the age of five or six, arrangements are made for

his religious instructions. Before the child attains puberty he has to undergo the ritual

of circumcision, (markakalyanam or sunnath kalyanam). A parallel ceremony for a

girl is the ear-boring ceremony (kadukuthu kalyanam). Usually both the ceremonies

are conducted in mother’s house when the child becomes 5 to 14 years old.

Circumcision was done by an expert barber. At present it is done by a medical

practisicioner in a hospital. After the boy recovers, a Friday is fixed for taking him for

Juma prayer by his elders. Today ear boring is also done by physicians. Traditionally

these two rituals were accompanied by grand food.

The celebrations and ceremonies related with different stages of life cycle

involve high expense as they are celebrated with great pomp and show. Traditionally

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the tharawad has to take care of the conduct of the functions. The husband usually

contributes his share. Usually among matrilineal Mappila Muslims, relatives

financially support for the conduct of the functions.

The groups believe in life after death. Hence, much importance is attached to

the religious rites associated with death. When a believer is in his/ her deathbed, a

person is expected to recite kalima, (the words to be pronounced to be a Muslim) and

drink Zam-Zam, holy water brought from Mecca by a person who attended Hajj

pilgrimage. The kinsmen of the dead are expected to be informed of the death and

ceremonies. If husband stays with wife, after his death, his funeral will be conducted

from her house. Immediately after death the pillow is removed, head of the dead is

kept straight and laid down in a plain wooden bench covered by a cloth. The hands

and legs are kept in position, the toes are tied together with a piece of cloth, and whole

body will be covered in white cloth. Relatives and friends will visit the house of the

dead and see the face, which is considered to be a sunnath, an act rewarded by Allah.

The body will be taken for ritualistic bath (mayyathukuli), done by close family

members. After the ritualistic bath the kaufan (mortuary clothing) is done by experts.

The kaufan consists of three pieces of new white cloth of equal length and breadth,

one over the other or one after the other from head to toe. Pieces of cotton are kept

over eyelids, lips, nostrils, neck, in between fingers, toes and knees, and joints. Rose

water (panineer or any athar) sprinkled over the cloth. Three knots are made with the

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last piece of the cloth, one above the head, second on the stomach and third below the

feet. The prayer for the dead (mayyith namaskaram) of female members will be done

from house, and for male from nearest mosque. The Imam or close relative of the

mosque may lead the prayer. The body is taken in specially prepared enclosure,

(mayyith kattil) to the graveyard, and interred by reciting verses from Quaran. Only

after the rituals are over, food is prepared and taken by the family members. Orthodox

Mappila Muslims have few more rituals like moulood, ratib, kathampayangal etc.

Now many of the rituals have been given up by many of them.

After death of husband, wife is expected to observe ‘seclusion’ for a period of

40 days. During this period she is expected not to see or to hear any males other than

her matrilineal members. Few decades back the widows were put in dark room, closed

ears with cotton, and were not allowed to meet any others. The promptness of all these

ceremonies depends on religious identity with organizations and the financial

positions of the kinsmen.

4.10. MAPPILA MUSLIM IDENTITY

The Mappilas are typical Malayalees. They are distinct in many ways but not

an alien. They have grown out of the trends, ethos and traits with in the larger

community of Malayalees. They have not shown much difference in their life style,

like their counter parts in other states. In occupational and economic behaviour they

were alike to others. The Mappila Muslims of Kerala hardly show any sharp

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deviations with their non Muslim neighbours; diffused themselves with main stream

Malayalees of the same time keeping their identity.

The most conspicuous evidence is Arabi Malayalam. It is Malayalam written

in Arabic script. It ‘is a mode of transliterating Malayalam into sophisticated Arabic

script’ (Karassery, 1995 : 169). This text was the chief material of education for the

Mappila Muslims till recent times. For day to day activities as well as religious

education Arabi Malayalam had been used. Mappilapattu (Mappila folk song) was

originated as a medium for literary and cultural expression of Mappila Muslims.

‘These songs punctuate the rhythm of the every day social life of the Malabar

Muslims’ (Karassery, 1995 : 172). In folk art forms of the Mappila Muslims like

kolkali, oppana, aravana, daffumuttu, and mappilapattu play an important role in

lending them with lyrical and rhythmic dimensions. Arabi Malayalam is still widely

used in Madrasa education. Books in Islamic history, and karmasastra are written in

Arabi malayalam, which are used more than 10000 madrasas in Kerala run by Sunni

organizations.

This process of diffusion has been seen in all walks of social life of Mappila

Muslims, in dress style or food habits etc. They dressed like other malayalees but with

some changes to differentiate themselves as Muslims. This is evident in dresses like

mundu, kaachi and blouse. In food habits also they are more malayalees, than

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muslims. But at the same time they have maintained a subcultural identity of their

own.

The Mappila Muslims were not confined to caste occupations like in North

India. They were involved in all economic persuits and occupational activities, where

ever possible. Due to historical reasons they were traders, they involved in navigation,

fishing, and agriculture. Mappila Muslims are entered now in all types of economic

activities. The educated young generations enter into very avenue of gainful

employment and rub shoulders with members of other communities.

There is a general belief that the muslim ethos are strikingly different from

that of other communities as it is a product of a different legal system. But studies

challenge baseless assumptions. Best examples are the studies of sociologists like

Dube (1969), Kutty (1972), Ittaman (1976), Ahamed (1976, 1981) and Canklin

(1976). They do not support the earlier anticipatory belief or assumption. On the

contrary they have shown that muslim norms correspond closely to other religious

groups especially among the Hindus. In relation to familial institutions and kinship,

those studies reject the common assumption of Islamic cultural identity. Mappila

Muslims have their own cultural identity, but not alien or not necessarily

distinguishable in public. They are part of the wider cultural complex with their own

distinction and diversified character, but shared equally by those who reside in the

region as a whole. It can be observed from matrilineal muslim life. Islam in Kerala

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has accepted and retained the local cultural religious traditions with a distinguishable

character. The matrilineal Mappila Muslims, their history and social life reveal this

fact.

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